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UCPI Daily Report, 24 Feb 2026: Donna McLean evidence

Tranche 3 Phase 2, Day 8
24 February 2026

Spycop HN104 Carlo Soracchi and Donna McLean

Spycop HN104 Carlo Soracchi and Donna McLean

Content warning: this report contains a graphic description of child sexual abuse.

On Tuesday 24 February 2026, Donna McLean gave evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI). From 2003 to 2005 she was deceived into a two-year cohabiting relationship by undercover police officer HN104 Carlo Soracchi ‘Carlo Neri’. He was deployed from 2000 to 2005, infiltrating socialist and antifascist groups in London.

The UCPI is an independent, judge-led inquiry into undercover policing in England and Wales. Its main focus is the activity of two units who deployed long-term undercover officers into a variety of political groups: the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS, 1968-2008) and the National Public Order Intelligence Unit (NPOIU, 1999-2011). Spycops from these units lived as activists for years at a time, spying on more than 1,000 groups.

McLean’s evidence was given as part of the UCPI’s ‘Tranche 3 Phase 2’ hearings, examining the final 15 years of the Special Demonstration Squad (1993-2008). McLean was not a member of any group targeted by spycops, she was a trade unionist who was friends with some of the people Soracchi spied on.

In 2022 she published a memoir about the relationship, Small Town Girl: Love, Lies and the Undercover Police. The book was used as evidence in the hearing, with McLean clarifying that its account is true but not exhaustive. She has also provided a short written statement to the Inquiry [UCPI0000039712].

McLean was questioned by Sarah Simcock, second junior Counsel to the Inquiry.

BACKGROUND

McLean begins by confirming that she wasn’t a political activist in the 1990s. She grew up in a Scottish, working class socialist family. She became an outreach worker in mental health, homelessness and substance abuse treatment.

The vocation committed her to social justice, and to justice for the under-served. There was a general left-wing slant to those involved, and a great sense of camaraderie among her coworkers. She became particularly good friends with one of them, Dan Gillman, a socialist and antifascist who was spied on by Soracchi (and who gave evidence to the UCPI in November 2025).

She was briefly a trade union representative, as was Joe Batty, who she met on a training course as they worked in similar jobs. Batty was also spied on by Soracchi (and gave evidence to the UCPI earlier in February 2026).

MEETING CARLO

The very first time McLean met Soracchi was brief and uneventful. In early 2002, Gillman had borrowed some boxes from McLean as he was moving house. Soracchi, as was standard for spycops, had been equipped with a large vehicle to make himself useful and ingratiate himself into his target group. He gave Gillman a lift to McLean’s to return the boxes.

Carlo Soracchi

Special Demonstration Squad officer Carlo Soracchi

McLean first met Soracchi properly on 28 September 2002, when she went to a huge protest in London against the Iraq War.

She had intended to find friends from her union but the crowd was too large. Gillman and Batty were often stewards for socialist and union groups on demonstrations, and this occasion was no exception. McLean spotted Gillman in his hi-vis and stayed with him and the other stewards, who included Soracchi in his undercover guise as ‘Carlo Neri’ the socialist, antifascist and locksmith.

After the demo ended they all went to the pub together, then out for dinner. A few of them went on to a bar afterwards, and gradually the group dissipated down to just McLean and Soracchi.

They went back to hers together. The sexual relationship began that night. Soracchi stayed over, briefly popped back to his own flat the next day to get clean clothes, then came back and stayed a second night.

FULL SPEED AHEAD

It was the start of a whirlwind romance that got very serious very quickly, as McLean explained:

‘We got on really, really well. I had just come out of a 12-year relationship, I had no expectation that I would meet someone that I really liked…

But I think when I met Carlo, I was just surprised…

We agreed on so much. We liked talking about the same things, he was very family orientated, we liked music, we liked films, and it just felt that he was right. It felt like we were right together.

In a way that was surprising, but I also didn’t question it, I trusted it.’

This is a common story among women deceived into intimate relationships by spycops. The officers had been trained to ‘mirror’ people, responding with the same tastes and preferences so that an instant bond of recognition and trust is created.

Whistleblower spycop HN43 Peter Francis has described how officers would sometimes be briefed in advance of meeting a target so that they’d immediately have subtle but powerful points of personal connection.

Even by the standards of the spycops, Soracchi’s targeting of McLean is extraordinary. His first interaction with McLean was on 28 September 2002, and by New Year they were living together and engaged to be married. In actuality, he was already married.

In contrast to all this, Soracchi’s witness statement to the UCPI [UCPI0000035550] denies a lot of the facts in an attempt to downplay what he did.

He says he expected it to be a one night stand but McLean kept contacting him after. He says he can’t even remember if they actually had sex that first night.

McLean is affronted at this. She points out that they weren’t drunk from some kind of pub crawl, they’d been for a meal. They’d had a conversation about old relationships and contraception. His witness statement claims he used condoms; she says he never did.

McLean goes on to say that they were instantly effectively cohabiting as a couple at her flat:

‘He “went to work” in the day, I went to work in the day, and every evening and weekend we spent together.

So my expectation was that this was a very quick but very, very solid and very grounded relationship. Because he seemed like a very grounded person. He seemed like a very loving and caring and generous person.’

She says he told her he loved her every day. It felt like it would last forever.

Soracchi’s witness statement openly admits that McLean was not part of any groups he was spying on, and says he was just using her for comfort:

‘The motivation for starting a relationship with Donna McLean was that it was shortly after the death of my mother and I was at a low ebb and not thinking very clearly at the time.

I sort of fell into it with Donna. She was a nice person. She was not a political activist as far as I knew and she provided me with a bit of solace at a time when I needed it.’

He goes on to say he thinks it is merely ‘unlikely’ that she would have had the relationship if she’d known the truth about who he was.

Again, McLean is aghast at his gall. She says it was obvious that she’d have never let him near her if she’d known he was an undercover police officer.

She adds that Soracchi wasn’t just deceiving her for his comfort, either. It was also that she was an established, trusted friend of people he was spying on. Being her partner gave him a kind of credibility and made him more readily accepted.

PART OF THE FAMILY

Their relationship wasn’t just between them domestically and seeing friends socially. Soracchi rapidly and eagerly integrated himself into McLean’s extended family.

Carlo Soracchi with Donna McLean's sister, stepfather and mother, Robin Hood's Bay, Yorkshire, March 2003.

Carlo Soracchi with Donna McLean’s sister, stepfather and mother, Robin Hood’s Bay, Yorkshire, March 2003.

McLean told him that she’d had a violent abusive father, he’d said his father had been like that too. She says this created empathy and a bond. It made them feel closer to one another.

Soracchi was keen to meet her extended family. He would instigate phone calls with them and spend a long time talking to them.

They first went to Scotland together to visit McLean’s family around the time they started living together, in November 2002. Her relatives were still in shock from the recent death of her grandmother. Soracchi immediately blended in with them, taking a three year old relative off to read stories while the family discussed a choice of headstone.

The child asked him about his favourite children’s books. His description of The Story of the Little Mole Who Knew It Was None of His Business was met with enormous enthusiasm. A few weeks later, on his next visit to Scotland with McLean, he brought the child a copy.

McLean is horrified:

‘I think it’s incredible that he could do it. That this was actually part of his work. This level of intrusion and this complete disregard for any safeguarding of anybody or anything.’

This is another one of the many things Soracchi denies in his witness statement: he says he was never left with a child in the absence of a parent. McLean says he’s lying, as numerous family members involved can readily confirm.

Her family had been surprised that McLean was in such a serious relationship so soon after the end of her previous one, but Soracchi’s warmth, generosity and openness made them completely accept him and be genuinely happy for her.

However, Soracchi did embarrass himself at McLean’s sister’s graduation ceremony. When God Save The Queen was played, Soracchi reflexively stood up.

Carlo Soracchi at Whitby harbour with Donna McLean's sister, March 2003.

Carlo Soracchi at Whitby harbour with Donna McLean’s sister, March 2003.

Nonetheless, he was welcomed into the family. He collected snowglobes from around the world. McLean’s mother started getting ones for him from places she went.

Later in the year, Soracchi drove McLean and others to see a Stiff Little Fingers gig in Scotland. They could have gone to the London date, but Soracchi said it would be good to see her family again as they were still dealing with the bereavement. As with the previous time, they stayed at McLean’s mother’s house.

When on this second trip to Scotland, staying with her family, he started crying during a cab ride. He told McLean that he had an estranged son, and said wanted to tell her because his relationship with her was becoming serious.

He said he wanted to be able to be able to put pictures of his kid up in McLean’s flat. During that night’s deep conversation, McLean says she suggested moving in as he was there all the time anyway. He moved in a few days later. It was late November or early December. They had been seeing each other about two months.

In contrast, Soracchi’s witness statement claims he only stayed at McLean’s ‘on occasion’ prior to fully moving in with her in January 2003. This, she says, is another lie. He was there full-time and gave up his own flat before Christmas 2002. She is certain of this, remembering him being insistent that they had a real Christmas tree.

COVER STORY

The Christmas tree Carlo Soracchi insisted he and Donna had, 2002. He now denies even living at the flat at the time.

The Christmas tree Carlo Soracchi insisted he and Donna had, 2002. He now denies even living with her at the time.

The backstory Soracchi told McLean wasn’t just vaguely drawn from his real life. He actively included the true specific details of a lot of it. Having told her he had a son, he put a photo of the child on the bookcase in her flat. It was his real son, and he used the boy’s real forename.

He put more photos up, too: his real father feeding his real son spaghetti in Italy, his mother, his sister. In the end, there were pictures of all his actual close family, apart from his wife.

He said that his son had been born from a brief fling. The mother had become pregnant and wanted to keep the baby but be wholly independent of Soracchi, not having a relationship or receiving financial support from him.

Soracchi, playing the role of the caring, emotionally mature man, said he was trying to resolve the difficulties with the mother so he could build relationship with his son. He went away one weekend a month, supposedly see the child in Cornwall.

In reality, he was making the short journey across London to his wife and son. He made his wife pregnant with their second child while he was in the relationship with McLean.

McLean is astonished at his brazenness, that he took her to places where his real family could have seen them, as well as the depths of his dishonesty:

‘It’s hard to find a word that’s strong enough, because “fraudulent” just doesn’t quite match it.’

Soracchi talked to McLean a lot about his sister. As with his son, he had a picture of her on display in the flat and used her real forename. He said she lived in Peterborough, and was isolated and depressed. He would go away saying he was visiting her, but always giving an excuse why McLean couldn’t accompany him. Presumably these were in fact more visits to his wife and son.

After she found out the truth of who Soracchi was, McLean readily found his sister on Facebook. His sister has a successful career and seemingly happy family, the complete opposite of the impression Soracchi had given.

Soracchi, his father, his sister and her husband are all directors of the family’s Italian food import business and an associated deli. The public details were easily found, and the forenames matched those that Soracchi had told McLean.

Beyond the personal deception, McLean says it is proof that the spycops’ existence was based on a lie. They claimed to be monitoring these quasi-terrorist subversives who’d maim their enemies given half a chance. Yet spycops like EN12 Mark Kennedy, HN15 Mark Jenner and particularly Carlo Soracchi needlessly left huge clues to their real identities with the women they deceived into relationships.

McLean scoffs at them:

‘I had all that information because he gave it to me. The idea that we are somehow dangerous people, us trade unionists and people on the left are dangerous – he gave me all that stuff.

He made it part of our lives for his own benefit and he was using them as well.’

THE RENT SCAM

There was an unexpected moment of real courtroom drama when Counsel tried to clarify the date that Soracchi moved in with McLean. Counsel said that Soracchi was added to the rental agreement in January 2003.

McLean said there was no rental agreement for him to be added to. She was subletting from a person who was abroad for three years, it was approved by the housing association that owned the flat, but there was no formal documentation.

Counsel said:

‘Maybe we are talking at cross-purposes. The rent book, his name was put on the -’

McLean interrupted to say there was no rent book either. Nothing official was written.

Counsel looked perplexed and brought up a rent book that the Inquiry has been given among Special Demonstration Squad papers [MPS-0527068].

McLean has never seen it before. Counsel says it was found in an SDS filing cabinet. It should have been included in the documents shown to McLean before the hearing, but the Inquiry is increasingly failing to function properly, especially in showing civilian witnesses the documents that pertain to them.

Page from Carlo Soracchi's rent book, 2003. It shows £685 per month, and huge differences in the way Donna McLean's initials are written.

Page from Carlo Soracchi’s rent book, 2003. It shows £685 per month, and huge differences in the way Donna McLean’s initials are written.

The rent book is labelled ‘Tenant: Carlo Neri’ and dated 30 January 2003. Under ‘rent collector’, it names both the landlord and McLean. The landlord’s name is spelt incorrectly.

There are payments of a month’s deposit of £685, and monthly rent payments thereafter up to October 2003. They are initialled as received by McLean and the landlord.

But McLean’s landlord was in the USA for the entire duration of her tenancy. She never met him, neither did ‘Carlo Neri’. The rent on the flat was actually only £320 per month. It was paid by standing order from McLean’s bank account. There was no deposit.

The only explanation is that Soracchi created this rent book and used it to fraudulently claim the rent on his expenses.

McLean laughs at the poor quality of Soracchi’s forgery of her signature. Each iteration of the D is different.

Soracchi never formally paid rent to her. Instead he gave a variable amount, around £150, to McLean in cash every month or so.

He was already being paid overtime to live with someone who wasn’t an activist and who provided no intelligence. He then forged a rent book and fiddled his expenses to increase his wages still further.

The complete lack of integrity, the remorseless corruption of spycops is truly astonishing. They betray their targets, their families and the police themselves.

Soracchi’s relationship with McLean was characterised by his seeming generosity, bringing home many items of quality and taste. He often bought her jewellery, as well as high-value items for the kitchen, laying flooring and installing blinds.

McLean is shocked and still laughing at the shoddiness of the rent book forgery. Then she wryly observes:

‘I know where my presents came from now.’

HOLIDAYS AND KIDS

Spycop Carlo Soracchi on holiday in Bologna while undercover.

Spycop Carlo Soracchi on holiday in Bologna, February 2003.

The couple went on holiday to Bologna in February 2003 for Valentine’s Day. As Soracchi had said it was his birthday on 12 February, McLean paid for the trip.

In reality, his birthday was in January and, as was standard tradecraft for spycops, his fake age was younger than his real age.

They stayed in a high-class hotel in the city centre. The itinerary was all down to Soracchi as he knew the city well and spoke Italian.

McLean recounts sightseeing, including a visit to the railway station where a plaque commemorates the victims of the 1980 bombing of the station by fascists. The trip involved lots of gourmet food at Soracchi’s favourite restaurants and bars.

McLean says Soracchi was in his element:

‘He acted as he always did, very caring, very warm, very loving. He seemed very happy to be there.’

Soracchi had said his father lived an hour or so away. Despite him being a frequent and capable driver, they didn’t visit him. Soracchi said the family had some significant problems and he didn’t want it to spoil the romantic holiday. McLean was annoyed about the excuses.

The following month, March 2003, they went to Whitby on the North Yorkshire coast for McLean’s birthday. Her family came down from Scotland and they all stayed in one house together.

Soracchi was once again the genial host, in charge of music and drinks, generous and compliant with whatever the rest of the party wanted to do.

During this visit he told McLean’s mother that he wanted to have a child with Donna. Her mother thought this was great, though Donna herself said she wanted to wait until they had a more stable life and accommodation. This prompted them to discuss getting a more permanent home together.

Once again, this is something Soracchi denies in his witness statement:

‘Donna McLean claims that I encouraged her to have a child. I did not. I was with Donna for a period of approximately 14 months. I made it clear at that time that I was not interested in having any more children.’

LYING THEN, LYING NOW

It is extraordinary that Soracchi is trying to downplay a few details as if that will somehow make it alright. And expressing a wish to have children with McLean is no small detail.

It’s something we’ve seen from many of the spycops giving evidence. They don’t seem to realise that even if all their minimisations were somehow taken as wholly true and accepted, it’s tinkering at the edges. What they admit they did was still totally unjustifiable, appalling, unlawful and cruel.

As it is, it’s obvious that they’re lying, so by making these claims they change their status from ‘inexcusable scumbag’ to ‘inexcusable scumbag liar’. More, they’re not just exposed as having been deceitful, self-serving and arrogant decades ago as undercover officers, they’re showing themselves to be of the same disposition today.

In Soracchi’s particular case, McLean is incredulous at his denials as they are about things he said in front of numerous witnesses. He actually told her family that he wanted to have three children. She says it was a subject that they spoke about frequently.

He even contradicts himself. His claim to only have been with McLean for 14 months is undermined in the same witness statement that concurs with the timeline McLean has recounted. They both say it started in September 2002 and ended in November 2004.

McLean emphasises the totality of his integration into her family:

‘People – and I am talking about my family members and I am also talking about close friends – they were sharing really intimate details of their lives.

They were talking about how they felt after bereavements, friends talking about how they felt after a relationship break up.

They would cry in front of him. He would comfort them. He would be there to comfort people when they needed help…

It’s not just a social thing, it goes much deeper, it’s a real emotional intimacy…

Trying to explain how bizarre that is in this context is really difficult, because it’s so enmeshed. And there is no understanding of why he needed to do that to all these people.’

For his part, Soracchi’s witness statement resorts to a term beloved of spycops, ‘collateral intrusion’. It’s used when they’ve invaded lives and events that not even they can claim had any policing value:

‘I accept that coming into contact with Donna’s family was to some extent collateral intrusion. At the time I felt that there was very little if anything I could do about that to avoid risking compromising my cover.’

McLean rejects both the assertion and its minimising terminology. Far from merely ‘coming into contact’, he had chosen to move in with someone he wasn’t actually spying on, and then actively embedded himself into her extended family.

McLean points out that Soracchi’s excuse doesn’t even make sense on its own terms. Lots of people’s partners don’t want to go to every occasion with their in-laws, so there was no need for Soracchi to do so to make himself seem plausible.

She picks out the term itself with particular revulsion, saying it is trying to cloak what is actually an admission of guilt:

‘This “collateral intrusion”, it is a term that I really detest. I find it very, very offensive and very upsetting, because there is a recognition there that you have done things to people very, very much unnecessarily.’

THE REAL TARGET – DAN GILLMAN

The couple visited Cornwall twice in the first half of 2003, with Soracchi wilfully intruding into another family’s life. Dan Gillman and his partner wanted to visit Gillman’s dying mother, so Soracchi drove them and McLean all the way there.

McLean believes Soracchi targeted her because of her closeness with Gillman. Having heard Gillman’s testimony to the Inquiry recently, and that of others who knew him, she is more sure of this than ever.

Soracchi seemed very close with Gillman, and also with Joe Batty and Frank Smith. McLean admired Soracchi for his male friendships, it indicated that he was capable of emotional openness and closeness which made him seem very grounded and sound.

After their first two months together, Soracchi told McLean he was going to Italy for Christmas without her. In reality, he will presumably have been with his wife and son.

NEW YEAR’S PROPOSALS OF MARRIAGE AND ARSON

He returned for New Year’s celebrations. At his suggestion, the couple had a New Year’s Eve party at their flat, which was attended by about 20 friends. Soracchi proposed marriage to her at it.

Carlo Soracchi with Donna McLean's mother, March 2003.

Carlo Soracchi with Donna McLean’s mother, March 2003.

He went down on one knee and asked ‘will you marry me?’. She said yes, he stood up and picked her up. People gathered around them. Soracchi then said they should phone McLean’s mother to tell her the good news.

In the aftermath, Soracchi said he and a friend of McLean’s would choose an engagement ring for her, as this was the traditional Italian way of the bride-to-be getting her ring.

The couple received cards from numerous friends and co-workers, and witnesses have told the Inquiry under oath that they witnessed the proposal.

Soracchi now denies it all in his witness statement, and says he never proposed to McLean at any time. He claims he was not even at the party on New Year’s Eve.

He has other reasons for denying even his presence there. As Batty and Gillman have told the Inquiry in some detail, at the party Soracchi got a few of them together and went out to a nearby charity shop which he said was owned by Italian fascist leader Roberto Fiore, who was using the shop as a fascist front. Soracchi suggested petrol bombing it.

The friends said that wasn’t their style at all, and they were more interested in going back to the party.

It seems Soracchi was acting as an agent provocateur, trying to set up Gillman and others with an arson charge. It’s something that his boss, HN10 Bob Lambert, had done to people he spied on when he was undercover in the 1980s.

McLean remembers Soracchi taking people into the bedroom without her and that he looked at her strangely as he went. She suspects the proposal may have been to distract her from asking about it.

The Inquiry took a break, during which Tom Fowler made this video with Zoe Young of Campaign Opposing Police Surveillance:

In early 2003, Soracchi and McLean talked a lot about their wedding and plans for living together afterwards. They contemplated moving up to Scotland, but they also had to accommodate Soracchi supposedly building a relationship with his son.

He said he wanted to introduce the boy to McLean, and have him come to stay regularly. McLean was keen for this to happen, so they knew they’d need a two-bedroom place to live.

The couple had planned a fortnight’s holiday for July 2003, following the Tour de France:

‘This was something he liked, it was not something I was particularly interested in but I loved France so it sounded like a really, really nice plan.

And also it was going to be a two-week trip, which was quite a significant chunk of time so that had been booked off work.’

Soracchi told her he’d booked everything. But the day before they’d been due to go, he said that his father had had a stroke and he was going to Italy instead. Soracchi rang McLean every day and promised to make it up to her.

In retrospect, it seems likely that this was time he planned to spend with his real family and no holiday with McLean was ever booked.

As the relationship went on, Soracchi said he’d changed jobs. He had originally told everyone he was a locksmith. He would say to activists that their locks were substandard and then he’d change them as a favour. Thus, he was able to give keys to Special Branch and whatever other government agencies might want to unlawfully enter the homes undetected.

After a while, again drawing on his real family, he said he was working in his family’s Italian food import and export business. He would bring a lot of gourmet foods back to his home with McLean. Knowing the truth as we now do, and in light of his rent fraud, we have to wonder whether he was claiming that on expenses, diverting police funds into his and his family’s pockets. Or perhaps he was stealing from his family as well.

By the end of 2003, their wedding was still on the cards, but finding new place to live had become the main priority. McLean was getting restless, wanting to meet his son and integrate that side of his life. She says it was altering the nature of the relationship:

‘I think there was a small shift, but it wasn’t enough to make me alarmed. It just was not progressing quite the way I wanted it to, or expected it to.’

ABUSE ABOUT ABUSE

For the festive season Soracchi said he was going to Italy to see his supposedly ailing father for Christmas and then return to be with McLean for New Year again. Over Christmas he rang to say he would be staying in Italy longer as his father was more unwell than he’d realised. In the early hours of New Year’s Day, Soracchi phoned McLean at a party at Gillman’s house to say that his father had died.

It was all a lie. McLean later found documents showing that Soracchi’s father was still alive and well, living in London in 2011.

But back then in the first few hours of 2004, she was devastated. She offered to go over but Soracchi said to stay in England and he’d come back after the funeral. She forced herself to accept it:

‘It was a huge thing, but it was also a continuation of the not being involved in his family life, when he was so embedded in my family life, and that just felt a bit lopsided.’

Soracchi had sounded genuinely on edge and upset in the phone calls, as was to be expected from someone who was supposedly bereaved.

When he returned to McLean a fortnight later, in mid-January, he didn’t just sound different:

‘He didn’t even look like himself, and this was the thing that really struck me. He looked a bit haggard. He’d let his beard grow out, and he always had his hair quite closely cropped, he’d let it grow out as well. So he looked a bit dishevelled.

He looked like he had lost weight and he also just looked – it’s weird – his eyes looked different, there was kind of a glaze to them, like he wasn’t quite there, he wasn’t quite present.’

He was much less affectionate and tactile with McLean. Then he revealed why. He told her that after the funeral, his sister revealed that their father had sexually abused her as an adolescent. He was very specific about his sister’s abuse, saying his father had raped her anally and orally in order to avoid pregnancy.

He specifically told McLean not to tell anyone else. She says it is difficult to contain such traumatic knowledge, but she honoured his request and kept it to herself. She later found out he’d told the story to Joe Batty as well.

He’d said all along his that father had been violent to his mother, but this was something entirely new. He added that it explained his sister’s self-isolation and depression.

He also described feeling bad about himself, that he felt guilty for not having prevented the abuse and protected his sister. He used the words ‘dirty’, ‘broken’ and ‘guilty’ a lot.

He told her he was no longer the person she’d fallen in love with, that he needed space, but also that it was only temporary and she should wait for his recovery, saying:

‘I still love you, we’ll get through this because I love you so much.’

MALICIOUS CRUELTY IS TRADECRAFT

McLean was hugely concerned about his mental state. She needn’t have been. Astonishing as it sounds, this was standard spycop tradecraft.

Donna McLean and Carlo Soracchi at Whitby Abbey

Donna McLean and Carlo Soracchi at Whitby Abbey

The spycops invent details about abuse in their family for several reasons. It gives the person being told a sense of intimacy and trust, which encourages them to trust the spycop in return. It also gives the spycop an excuse for not introducing people to relatives.

Additionally, it feeds into the tactic Soracchi was using here, feigning severe mental distress as an excuse to end a relationship and leave at the end of his deployment.

We have heard extensive evidence about this tactic. How they keep up the charade continuously for months on end, convincing all those around them that something is very, very wrong.

Having little understanding of empathy, it doesn’t seem to occur to them that their behaviour will provoke intense worry in the partners and friends they have curated under their false identities.

When other spycops have used this tactic prior to their deployment ending, it’s resulted in worried ex-partners ended up travelling the world to search for them afterwards, hoping to help, not realising they’re looking for a person that never actually existed, a fictional character with a false name played by someone living with a family a few miles away in London.

McLean is utterly disgusted with Soracchi for this outrage:

‘I think it’s one of the cruellest things that he did, actually. I think it’s a real cruel thing, I think it’s really malicious. And I think when Carlo uses terms like “collateral intrusion” – that’s not collateral intrusion, that’s deliberate psychological harm being inflicted.’

Soracchi denies that it was all his doing, and that he ever mentioned sexual violence, let alone in such horrendous detail. His witness statement asserts:

‘The breakdown of our relationship was a two-way thing…

I told Donna that my sister had suffered violence at the hands of my father, but I did not say to Donna this was sexual violence… I did say that I was going through a lot of mental anguish. This was partially true, but also partially a part of my exfiltration strategy.’

She’s emphatic that the relationship breakdown was all his doing, and that she didn’t want it to end at all. She, again, points out that this was something witnessed by others, so his recent denial is provably a lie.

When he said he wanted to move out in May 2004 he repeatedly reiterated that he still loved her, they’d work it out, and it definitely wasn’t the end of the relationship.

A few days later, McLean came home from work and he had gone. He had taken everything he’d bought, apart from flooring, blinds and a dressing table. Not just his clothes, books and CDs but a vast amount of kitchen equipment, even the cabinet that the TV stood on.

This, too, is met by a pointless downplay in Soracchi’s witness statement, claiming he only took ‘a few books, some clothes and some cooking utensils’.

HE’S GONE, BUT HE HASN’T

McLean had no contact from him for two weeks after he left. Then he rang and said he really missed her and wanted to meet up. After that, they saw each other two or three times a week. He was very affectionate again, saying he wanted to sort it out and asked for her patience. They restarted the sexual relationship. She thought he might move back in.

Carlo Soracchi giving evidence at the Undercover Policing Inquiry - 3 March 2026

Carlo Soracchi giving evidence at the Undercover Policing Inquiry, 3 March 2026

McLean had to move out as her tenancy was up, and Soracchi helped her move in to stay with a friend. After three months there she moved to another friend’s. He helped her move again.

She believed the massive trauma he’d described would take a long time to resolve. She knew that she would have to put the time in and be patient. But his behaviour consistently gave her solid grounds for hope. He was still affectionate, he talked about their future together, he was buying her presents again. There was no indication he wanted to end it.

They talked at length about his discovery of sister’s supposed abuse. McLean still believed she was the only one that this poor man was opening up to, so she did her best to support him, but it made her mental state increasingly fragile.

McLean last saw Soracchi in November 2004. They’d been to see a film together, an Italian one he’d chosen. She’d anticipated that, as usual, they’d decide to go back to one or other of their homes afterwards. Instead, he called her a cab:

‘He put me in the taxi and then he threw some money at me for the taxi. And it was like, “what is this? What is this behaviour?”

It was so kind of off and so dismissive. It was horrible and I felt horrible.’

Shortly afterwards, he sent a short email to her work address. He said the relationship was over, he couldn’t make it work so he was moving on, adding ‘I loved you more than you will ever know.’

McLean was shattered. Despite his unbalanced behaviour and the taxi incident, she’d believed the problems were all external to their relationship, so it was not in peril.

Two weeks later she received an envelope and recognised his handwriting immediately. Inside was a note saying he would always love her and a voucher for an expensive spa day.

Five months after that she emailed him as she was going to Italy, asking for travel advice. He just replied saying he had none. That was their final contact.

DISCOVERING THE TRUTH

In 2014, a friend of McLean’s came to stay. She was reading a book, Undercover: The True Story of Britain’s Secret Police by Rob Evans and Paul Lewis, the Guardian journalists who’d broken a vast range of stories in the spycops scandal.

The friend passed the book to McLean who found it not just compelling but chillingly familiar. The hairs on the back of her neck stood up as she read about the detective work of women who’d been deceived into relationships by spycops and she realised it sounded like her Carlo. He had everything from the love bombing, the childhood trauma, and being useful with a large vehicle to the breakdown prior to leaving – but why on earth would he have targeted McLean, who wasn’t an activist?

The following year, in 2015, McLean met up with Gillman and some of the others who’d known Soracchi. They had amassed convincing evidence and were certain he had been a spycop.

Asked about the impact, McLean says that the disjointedness of a spycop’s life becomes contagious:

‘It’s mind blowing, because you have kind of got two lives. You have got the life that you have lived believing that that was the relationship and that was how it ended. And then you have the retrospective life of going back and saying, actually, this was the life.

So it’s like someone with a dual identity has created a dual life for you, and you have to try to piece that together. And it’s so hard.’

She says her family and friends are still having realisations that certain things they did or places they went weren’t of their own making but were manipulated by Soracchi. They’re all still trying to figure out how much of their lives were real and their own.

She had never suspected anything about Soracchi and, as a mental health professional, felt foolish at being duped by his feigned breakdown. Though it has to be said, out of all the suspicions that spied-on people have reported having about spycops, nobody saw through that part. They were phenomenally, and frankly disturbingly, convincing at behaving in a profoundly unbalanced way, as if they were finally letting some genuine warped feelings manifest.

McLean dug deep into the spycops scandal, obsessively searching for the details. She wanted to know his real name.

It took its toll on her health:

‘Having an autoimmune disease, there are several factors that impact on it, and stress is one of the biggest ones.

And that stress was so huge and so sudden and so bizarre, that that just kind of sent my immune system – because my immune system attacks itself.

So my body attacks me basically, so I had a huge flare and I was very physically unwell, but also mentally very fragile at the same time, which is not a good combination.’

Over the years that followed, she suffered nightmares and intrusive thoughts, became distant from her children, and struggled working with people with mental health problems. Counsel adds McLean’s concern at being followed to the list of paranoid reactions, but she’s clear that was no illusion. She really was followed.

She also noticed logins on her Facebook account in Bury St Edmunds, a place she’s never been to. She remembered seeing on the news that the Anonymous activist hacker Lauri Love’s computers were taken to the police IT headquarters at Bury St Edmunds. If they’ll get into your life, your home, your bed and your body, then your social media accounts are not beyond their bounds.

‘IT DOESN’T MAKE SENSE, TO ANYONE’

In her book Small Town Girl, McLean declares:

‘My body was used against my will. I did not consent to being a sexual experiment. I did not consent to being a mistress, I did not consent to being fucked all over the world by a man who did not exist.’

Asked if she feels the same way today, she says more than ever as she see that it happened to so many others as part of an overarching strategy.

‘I think angry wouldn’t be a strong enough word. It’s malicious and cruel and unnecessary, and a deceit that’s just beyond anything that we understand to be human or humane.

My personal belief is that the level of the intrusion of this entire scandal is very underestimated by people outside rooms like this, because they don’t see how deep it is, and they don’t see how the impact just goes on and on and on. Because it doesn’t make any sense, to anyone.’

That concluded the questions in the morning’s public hearing.

McLean was asked if she had anything to add that hadn’t been properly covered. She replied with characteristic insight:

‘Our bodily autonomy was stolen from us. And not just in the fact that we did not give consent, but also the time that we chose to have children, whether we have children, how difficult that became, the relationships that we ended up in, the issues of trust that came for that, and that spans your whole life. It doesn’t stop.

There is the period of the relationship itself. There is the period when you find out. There is the aftermath. There is, you know, doing all this stuff [the public inquiry], which is quite difficult.

But the entire autonomy of your own body has been stolen in a way that was strategic, and I think that’s something I just want to highlight as an overarching thing.’

The Inquiry then took a break, during which Tom Fowler made this video with Dan Gillman:

Much of the afternoon hearing was held in secret as it dealt with private matters.

During this, Tom Fowler made another video, this time with Chris Brian from the Undercover Research Group:

When it was made public again there was some discussion of the detail of Soracchi’s fraudulent rent book.

After this, the Inquiry’s Chair, Sir John Mitting, concluded the hearing and thanked McLean effusively:

‘I can only express my admiration for the good humour with which you’ve fulfilled this difficult task.’

After the hearing finished Tom Fowler made this video with Lois Austin who was a political comrade of Dan Gillman’s and other friends of McLean’s:

UCPI Daily Report, 26 Feb 2026: Lois Austin evidence

Tranche 3 Phase 2, Day 10
26 February 2026

Lois Austin giving evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry, 26 February 2026

Lois Austin giving evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry, 26 February 2026

On Thursday 26 February 2026, Lois Austin returned to the Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI). We already heard evidence from Austin on 13 November 2025, about the spying on her and the groups she was involved in (the Socialist Party and Youth Against Racism in Europe) by undercover police officer HN43 Peter Francis ‘Pete Black’.

Austin has since seen further disclosure of evidence about another undercover police officer, HN104 Carlo Soracchi ‘Carlo Neri’, who was deployed from 2000 to 2005, infiltrating socialist and antifascist groups in London. She has therefore produced a second witness statement, and is being called back to give evidence about that.

Spycop Carlo Soracchi

Spycop Carlo Soracchi

The UCPI is an independent, judge-led inquiry into undercover policing in England and Wales.

Its main focus is the activity of two units who deployed long-term undercover officers into a variety of political groups: the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS, 1968-2008) and the National Public Order Intelligence Unit (NPOIU, 1999-2011).

Spycops from these units lived as activists for years at a time, spying on more than 1,000 groups.

Austin’s evidence was given as part of the UCPI’s ‘Tranche 3 Phase 2’ hearings, examining the final 15 years of the Special Demonstration Squad (1993-2008).

She has produced a written witness statement for the Inquiry [UCPI0000037774] however at time of writing (four months after she gave her evidence) it has not yet been published online.

Austin was questioned by Sarah Hemingway, as First Junior Counsel to the Inquiry.

MAYDAY 2001

Austin began by describing the protest in London on 1 May 2001. The protest was just one of many annual Mayday demonstrations that happen throughout the world every year. Austin explained:

‘The trade unions in London have a regional May Day demonstration every year… I am a trade unionist, I am a socialist, I attend, along with comrades, friends, family.’

On 30 April 2001, the night before the Mayday protest, Soracchi filed a report [MPS-0005795] about antifascist group of No Platform alleging that:

‘Should the opportunity present itself for an attack on property or the police then they will take part.’

Austin explains that this is a wild exaggeration of the kind we see over and over again in SDS reports:

‘It is absolute rubbish and nonsense. What we were doing on that day was about politics. It was a political intervention…

So it’s not reliable. No, it’s not reliable pre-event intelligence’

Around 20-30 Socialist Party members joined the protest, to give out flyers and sell newspapers. They stayed together as the protest went down Regent Street and reached the Nike shop at Oxford Circus.

Austin takes up the story:

‘So we arrived at Oxford Circus probably just before 2.00 pm…

There were lots of police around. Lots of protesters. Very peaceful, carnival atmosphere, people with musical instruments. I was outside Nike Town, I think, giving out leaflets about child labour and the fact that Nike use child labour in the Third World.’

At around 2pm, 6,000 police officers moved in and surrounded the crowd. About 3,000 people, including Austin, were held there, penned in by police, for seven and a half hours.

People were tightly packed, there was no water, food or toilets provided, and there was a level of distress in the crowd. No one was allowed to leave until 9:30pm.

This was the first time the Met used this now-common tactic, known as ‘kettling’. It caused outrage not only among those invovled but among civil rights groups too.

‘Q. You didn’t see any incidents of violence, did you, while you were in that cordon?

A. No, I didn’t. What I saw was people tired, frustrated. People with medical conditions like diabetes, you know, we had a couple of young women with us who were on their period. There were no toilet facilities.’

Spycop Carlo Soracchi, who infiltrate the Socialist Party and associated groups, was also in the crowd that day with Austin and around two dozen other Socialist Party members. He was held inside the kettle along with everyone else.

Austin describes how the police cordon closed in on the crowd, which she felt was both dangerous and reckless.

‘At a certain point they tightened the cordon, and the normal uniformed police officers stepped back and then rows and rows of riot police move in and they tighten and tighten the cordon.

I can remember saying to the police near me at the time, “Why are you tightening the cordon? Why are you doing that? That is dangerous, are you attempting to create a crush? Because people are getting frightened. You are creating a crush”.

As it is, we are already quite tightly packed into Oxford Circus’

Austin had a baby in creche that day, less than one year old. She was breast feeding and needed to get back to collect her child. She explained this to police but they refused to let her leave.

‘I was scared and frightened. I was frightened when they tightened the cordon.

I was upset when they wouldn’t let me leave to collect my daughter and I got really scared when it got dark and we were getting hardly or no announcements from the police about what was going on’

THE OXFORD CIRCUS KETTLING CASE

In 2005 Austin brought a civil claim against the Metropolitan Police over their use of the ‘kettle’ that day.

Police kettling Mayday protesters at Oxford Circus, 1 May 2001 (pic: Brian David Stevens)

Police kettling Mayday protesters at Oxford Circus, 1 May 2001 (pic: Brian David Stevens)

She was represented by barrister Kier Starmer, among others, and hers was the first of a potential 150 claims for false imprisonment brought by people unlawfully detained by police at Oxford Circus on 1 May 2001.

We now know that Soracchi was tasked with briefing the legal team representing the Met in that case, giving insider information about the police’s legal opponents..

Documents have emerged in this Inquiry which reveal that Soracchi met with John Beggs, the lead barrister representing the Met, the night before Austin was cross examined.

Soracchi was still deployed in 2005. We were shown an authorisation [MPS-0526804] which stated that his deployment was for the prevention and detection of the crime or public disorder.

Yet this was a civil claim, not to do with crime. Furthermore, it had nothing to do with dosorder, Austin and the others had acted entirely lawfully, it was the Met who didn’t.

Soracchi’s authorisation says that he was tasked with infiltrating antifascist groups No Platform and Antifa. Counsel asks if there was crossover between them and the Socialist Party.

Austin points out that she has given evidence on this before, and that she doesn’t know what else he was doing:

‘I just thought he was an ordinary member of the Socialist Party.’

There is no sign of any SDS reports by Carlo Soracchi about the legal briefing he gave to Beggs, however there are bullet points in an internal SDS document about it, and a later authorisation document for Soracchi (using his code name ‘Craggy Island’) mentions that he was able to provide briefings in a civil case to legal counsel, noting:

‘Undercover officer Craggy Island’s intelligence and assessment for MPS counsel in relation to the recent May Day action was of significant value.’

Evidence of what was said in that briefing can be found in the notes made by officers who interviewed Soracchi in 2013 for Operation Herne, the Met’s investigation in to spycops [MPS-0726931, MPS-0738088].

Two different officers took notes of Soracchi’s description of the meeting with Beggs and record it as follows:

‘Brief description given of Lois and what would wind her up because of the type of person she was.’

And that Soracchi was:

‘asked to brief… in relation to her character. I know she was a South London girl who could easily get wound up.’

At the trial itself, Austin gave evidence for two days, and she says the cross examination was very hostile. She describes how it was evident from Beggs’ tone that he was trying to discredit her as a witness:

‘The questions I was asked at the start of when I gave evidence about Irish people, I was asked: “There were a lot of Irish people in the Socialist Party contingent, wasn’t there? Your partner is Irish, he was active in politics in, I think, Belfast in the 1990s.”

And I remember asking the question to Mr Beggs: “Are you allowed to ask questions about that? Is that not racist? What are you trying to say about Irish people?”

So that makes me think that maybe that’s the information that Carlo had given Mr Beggs, to say, well, Lois is married to an Irishman, she’s got Irish friends. That may be something that’s going to wind her up.’

Beggs has submitted a witness statement about this incident to the Inquiry [UCPI0000039326] in which he claims that he brought up the presence of Irish people at the Mayday 2001 protest for ‘forensic reasons’, however he does not explain what they were.

Soracchi has also given a statement to the inquiry about the briefing he gave to Beggs [UCPI0000035550] but a large section is redacted.

INSIDE INFORMATION

Irrespective of what the briefings and meeting involved, there was a police spy in a group that was involved in legal action against the police. This is exactly the situation that scandalised the nation when it was revealed that police had done this to the family of murdered teenager Stephen Lawrence, an outrage that forced the Home Secretary to set up the Undercover Policing Inquiry.

Beggs has told the Inquiry that he remembers being briefed by Soracchi. He describes being provided with written briefings about Lois by the SDS, and says he didn’t want to rely on them for his cross examination because they were untested.

‘[the briefings] seemed to portray Lois Austin as some kind of wild radical, possibly involved in very serious matters.

I was asked whether I wanted to meet with the undercover officer. I said yes because (as stated) I was sceptical about the written briefings.’

We are told by Counsel that these briefings may have been produced by Soracchi’s managers at the time, HN58 or HN36 Michael Dell. Beggs goes on to conclude that the briefings were unfair and inaccurate, saying:

‘I remember contrasting the hyperbole of the written briefings with the mundanity of his [Soracchi’s] direct oral briefing to me.’

However Austin disputes this:

‘I think this is Mr Beggs trying to cover his tracks… is it lawful or is it misconduct?

If it is not unlawful, is it misconduct for a barrister to meet an undercover informant, or undercover police officer, the night before a trial and -’

Hemingway cuts Austin off:

‘I don’t think that is something we can comment on this morning.’

It is important to remember that Soracchi’s account of the meeting is that he was specifically asked by Beggs to give information about what would ‘wind her up’.

Austin describes her experience in court on the second day:

‘A lot of the cross-examination was about violence, whether I was violent and about violence generally…

Carlo knew that I wasn’t a violent person and Carlo admits it here, says it here, that Lois was not a violent person.

So the Metropolitan Police… have been told by one of their sources that I am not a violent person, why was I cross-examined… so vigorously by Mr Beggs about violence and whether or not I was a violent person?…

Not only did Carlo know that I wasn’t a violent person… he knew that I had a baby…

I can’t imagine that he was in that kettle for seven and a half hours and at no point had spoken to his handlers.’

Again, Counsel interrupts Austin to shut her down, saying that uniformed police wouldn’t have been able to know whether she was lying about having a baby and insisting:

‘We are not going to back and re-litigate and we are not going to look at the reasoning of the judge here.’

This seems unnecessarily hostile, particularly given the questions Counsel went on to ask.

Counsel takes us to Beggs’ second witness statement [UCPI0000039591] in which he says that he believed Austin and other witnesses were going to perjure themselves by denying membership of the Socialist Party.

Counsel then seems to re-ask many of Beggs’ cross examination questions, seeking to establish whether or not witnesses to the Mayday 2001 civil case were secretly members of the Socialist Party, and very much giving the impression that she does actually want to re-litigate the case.

At the trial in 2005, Beggs was working for the police alongside George Thomas KC. He has given a statement to the Undercover Policing Inquiry [UCPI0000039464], saying:

‘Mr Beggs sets out in stark terms the seriousness of the allegation that witnesses disclaiming any personal involvement with the Socialist Party were in fact members of it…

This was not a case of the defendant seeking to take inappropriate advantage of information learned from a secret source about the other side’s legitimate litigation tactics: the information, if true, indicated serious wrongdoing, and possible illegality.

If it was not true, or could not be proved, it would lead nowhere.’

Counsel recognises that it did, in fact, lead nowhere, and Austin points out that was because it was untrue.

Austin laughs at the idea that she would ever hide her membership of the Socialist Party – she was in the party leadership and stood in elections:

‘I mean the world and his dog knows that I was a member of the Socialist Party!’

ACCUSED OF LYING

She confirms that Beggs did ask her repeatedly about the other witnesses and called her a liar for saying she didn’t know them.

‘I was cross-examined on it and I was asked specifically about names of individuals, and whether or not they were Socialist Party members and whether I knew them. At the time I can remember thinking: why is he asking me about these people that I had never heard of?’

Austin is shown the list of 150 claimants-in-waiting for the Mayday 2001 kettling case. She is asked how many were Socialist Party members and she replies that, including her, there were three.

Asked about the list of the ten witnesses that were called by claimants in the civil case, she says none of them were Socialist Party members except her partner, although one was a friend in the Socialist Alliance.

Lois Austin on a YRE lobby of the Home Office, 1993. Pic: Tim Bolwell

Lois Austin on a Youth Against Racism in europe lobby of the Home Office, 1993. Pic: Tim Bolwell

However, Austin also points out that if the number of Socialist Party members among the witnesses had been twenty rather than two, it would not have made any difference to the legal strategy.

The fact is that the police were using their secret political spies to gain litigation advantage in a civil claim.

Another lawyer who represented the police, whose name is restricted, has made a witness statement saying it was ‘standard practice’ to try and get background information about the other side’s witnesses. They refer to an email from Beggs after the meeting which states that he has acquired some ‘useful general information about the nature of the beast’.

Soracchi claims he did not pass on any information that would be subject to legal professional privilege, i.e. he says he didn’t disclose Austin’s legal strategy. That seems unlikely, and even if it were true, the fact that an undercover officer was briefing the police legal team was never mentioned in disclosure at the time.

Soracchi was not only in a position to know about Austin and what might wind her up. As a member of the Socialist Party at the time who had been there on the day, Soracchi was also contacted as a witness to the 2001 kettling, and invited to be part of Austin’s case.

As Austin says, he had been present in the crowd on the day, and he ought to have had important evidence to give to the court that supported her description of events:

‘Carlo would have been a very good claimant. Because he would have said, “I saw no violence and people were bored and fed up and frustrated and people wanted to go home”.’

Austin makes clear that the Inquiry needs to put it to Soracchi that he knew full well that the things that were said about her during cross-examination were untrue.

While there was a short break in the questioning, Tom Fowler made this video with Donal O’Driscoll of the Undercover Research Group:

DISORDER ORGANISED BY SPYCOPS

During the trial in her civil claim, Austin was cross-examined for hours about violence, including being shown videos of disorder at ‘J18’ protests in June 1999, and Mayday 2000.

She reminds the Inquiry that she wasn’t at either of those events. It is very clear from the evidence heard in this Inquiry, that the SDS officers HN14 Jim Boyling ‘Jim Sutton’ and HN3 ‘Jason Bishop’ played a significant role in organising those events. If there was any crime involved, the spycops had far more to do with it than she did.

That would obviously also have been relevant disclosure to be made in her case, if Beggs wanted to use those events as evidence against her.

‘I feel very upset that I was a young mum, two small children, cross-examined for two days in the most hostile fashion about events that we now know were set up and orchestrated by undercover police officers.

And used as an excuse to contain me for seven, seven and a half, eight hours, in Oxford Circus, no access to the toilet.

I was lactating at the time so I was actually in physical pain and needed to feed my daughter…

[I was told] that I was not credible when I said that there was no violence or I saw no violence, when actually a member of the Metropolitan Police, Carlo Soracchi, who was with me in the containment, also said that he saw no violence. But that was never disclosed to the court.’

Austin further says that she does not accept the claim that police witnesses were not briefed by Soracchi. She points out there were confirmed telephone briefings of witnesses by Beggs after he met with Soracchi, and we are shown another authorisation document which states:

‘The undercover officer Craggy Island has been in a position to provide background briefing to both Metropolitan Police legal advisers and SO12 [Special Branch] senior management in the current May Day 2001 civil case.’

Austin points out that senior management within Special Branch at the time included Detective Chief Inspector Alan Mitchell, who was a police witness during the trial.

It is frankly appalling that a spycops officer was briefing barristers for the Met to help them defend a civil case at all.

Hemingway drew Austin’s attention to the fact that undercover officers were mentioned in Alan Mitchell’s evidence in her case, but Austin explains how that was understood:

‘I would have thought, you know, police that were maybe turning up to the odd meeting in the run-up to the protest…

What I certainly did not consider or think was at all possible in what is supposed to be a democratic society, that undercover officers were deep infiltrators.

That someone like Carlo had actually joined the Socialist Party, was deceiving women either who were members or on the sort of fringes, or friends of members of the Socialist Party into intimate sexual relationships, and that they kept the sort of information on us that they did…

They took leadership positions in the organisations that they infiltrated.’

LOSING THE CASE

The judge ultimately found against Austin in the civil claim. He added that even if he had found in her favour, he would have only awarded nominal compensation of five pounds.

Austin points out that if the judge had been made aware of the role of the SDS in the case, and the intelligence and briefings provided by Soracchi, he may well have taken a different view.

‘I know that you have said we are not talking about the bigger issue about as to whether the containment was lawful or not, but surely knowing what we now know about undercover police officers setting up J18 and the events of May Day 2000, surely we do have to ask the question: was the containment lawful?

Because if Jim Boyling and ‘Jason Bishop’ hadn’t done what they had done, then that was given at the trial as the justification for the seven to eight-hour kettle in Oxford Circus on May Day 2001.’

Austin points out how terrible the ruling was in the civil case.

‘We appealed because the judgment was so bad and so awful… we couldn’t allow the idea that it was completely okay to kettle protesters for hours with no food, no water, no toilet facilities…

Whether or not we thought that we could win an appeal, I think we knew that it was problematic because there had been a big attempt… to criminalise protesters to say that all protesters are violent… but I think we felt that we had no choice.’

We are shown an intelligence report by Soracchi about the civil case [MPS-0043049]which claims that Austin did not give a good ‘performance’ in court and notes that the police were able to discredit her, as well as reporting the intention to appeal.

‘Q. Specifically, how do you feel about that being reported back to the police, given that they were part of the litigation?

A. Well… I mean… I am not a lawyer. But is that allowed?… is it lawful for a police officer?

Q. I can’t answer that question’

Austin is asked how it makes her feel that an undercover officer was used to brief the opposing legal team and that information was not disclosed to her in the civil case:

‘Very upset. Very angry… undercover officers should not be allowed to infiltrate and attempt to subvert democratic organisations like the Socialist Party or trade unions.

The fact that they were all talking about me, gathering evidence on me, I find very, very upsetting…

I have never been arrested. I have never even been cautioned… So the fact that the Metropolitan Police have a huge big file on me, that they are having all sorts of conversations about me that I don’t know about… I think is alarming and it should not happen in a democratic society.

If I have done something wrong, then please, arrest me and bring me before a court and say “We have this big file on Lois Austin, because we think she’s a criminal and we think she’s done all these things that are a breach of the peace or she’s been involved in violent disorder.”

But there is no such evidence and, as I said, I have never been arrested. What’s happened instead is I think I have been the subject of a terrible injustices. I have been beaten, I have been kettled. I have been spied on.

The organisations that I am a member of, which are public organisations, have been infiltrated. And I am very angry and upset about it.’

This was a short hearing, dealing with this one event, and it was over before lunchtime.

The Inquiry’s Chair, Sir John Mitting, thanked Austin for coming back to give evidence for a second time.

After Austin’s questioning ended, Tom Fowler made this video with Austin’s partner Niall Mulholland, and Donal O’Driscoll of the Undercover Research Group:

UCPI Daily Report, 2 Feb 2026: Joe Batty evidence

Tranche 3 Phase 2, Day 1
2 February 2026

Joe Batty giving evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry, 2 February 2026

Joe Batty giving evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry, 2 February 2026

The Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI) resumed for a new set of hearings on Monday 2 February 2026. Designated as ‘Tranche 3 Phase 2’, these hearings examine the final 15 years of the Special Demonstration Squad (1993-2008).

This opening day was devoted to questioning Joe Batty, a trade unionist, socialist and anti-fascist activist who was spied on by undercover police officer HN104 Carlo Soracchi, cover name ‘Carlo Neri’, who was deployed 2000-2006.

Batty has provided a written witness statement to the Inquiry [UCPI0000037742].

The UCPI is an independent, judge-led inquiry into undercover policing in England and Wales. Its main focus is the activity of two units who deployed long-term undercover officers into a variety of political groups: the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS, 1968-2008) and the National Public Order Intelligence Unit (NPOIU, 1999-2011). Spycops from these units lived as activists for years at a time, spying on more than 1,000 groups.

Batty was questioned by Tim Salisbury, Deputy First Junior Counsel to the Inquiry.

BACKGROUND

Tim Salisbury, Deputy First Junior Counsel to the Inquiry.

Tim Salisbury, Deputy First Junior Counsel to the Inquiry.

Batty grew up in Greater Manchester in the 1970s and was first politicised by the National Front leafleting his school. He and some friends made counter-leaflets to distribute to pupils. He went to some Anti-Nazi League meetings but did not become a member or activist with any group at the time.

As a young adult, he got a supermarket job and joined the GMB, as membership of the union was mandatory at his workplace. This involvement drew him to socialist politics and he became a GMB branch president, representing workers in disputes and negotiating with employers and government officials.

He went to Oxford University’s Ruskin College, and on to the University of Kent for a degree in British labour history and modern politics. While there, he became friends with Dan Gillman, who gave evidence to the Inquiry in November 2025.

The pair held office in the university’s Labour Club and significantly built up its membership. They also organised coach travel to the large demonstration against the British National Party (BNP) in Welling, South London, on 16 October 1993. Batty and Gillman took responsibility for stewarding the people they’d brought to the protest.

In response to the rise in far-right activity, including attacks on local people, they created Kent Anti-Fascist Action Committee:

‘When I was at Ruskin College and at the University of Kent, I studied fascism. It wasn’t something new to me. I understood what it meant.

I also understood the history of fascism in the UK and what it had done over the historical period. So it was natural that I would want to make sure that it didn’t go off the political agenda.’

In 1993, Batty began working in homelessness, first in Cheltenham and then in London. He remained an active trade unionist, and also helped Youth Against Racism in Europe with stewarding of meetings and protests.

Over the next couple of years, fascist activity died down, yet Batty did not reduce his antifascist activity:

‘Myself and Dan and others recognised that history tells us when the far right is no longer successful electorally, it retrenches to violence.

You know what, I hate to say I am right, but that’s literally what they did, with the bombings that Copeland and his cohort – because I don’t believe he acted alone – were involved in.’

NO PLATFORM

At the end of the 1990s, Batty helped to found No Platform. As we’ve heard so many activists do at the Inquiry (with debatable levels of success), Batty explained that it was wrong to think of his group as a formal organisation:

‘There were about a dozen people or so who may have been the mainstays of it, but it really wasn’t a static organisation with cards and the constitution.

So we drew from people who were interested in being involved in one thing and one thing only, and that was stopping the far right having control of communities in the streets.’

These people had a variety of social backgrounds and political perspectives, united by that sole criterion.

We’re shown a police report by Carlo Soracchi [MPS-0003710], dated 1 August 2000:

Frank Smith, a member of the Socialist Party away team has helped to form a new anti-fascist organisation entitled No Platform. The group comprises disaffected members of London Anti-Fascist Action and members from the away team…

The aim of the group is to provide a powerful stewarding arm for left wing public order protests and to undertake the targeting of right wing individuals.’

For so few words, this elicits quite a lot of unpacking by Batty. Firstly, it shows that the spycops, even more than the Inquiry, can only think of groups as regimented and hierarchically structured institutions with official membership. This is not how most activist groups work.

Batty flatly rejects the allegation of targeting right-wing individuals. He also questions the use of ‘away team’ as denoting a formal group, saying it’s only become familiar to him recently from seeing the paperwork at the Inquiry. It was a loose term used occasionally to describe event stewards, yet spycops talk like it was some defined loyal gang of hardened hooligans.

Batty adds that there were indeed some people in No Platform who’d done Anti-Fascist Action work, but ‘disaffected members’ is another inaccurate description.

The group was named No Platform after an existing strategic understanding, aiming to deny the far right legitimacy by preventing them from speaking on public platforms or becoming part of the regular discourse.

STOPPING THE FASCISTS GATHERING

Batty gives examples of the work: shutting down gigs of fascist bands, and occupying the ‘redirection points’ where fascists met prior to going to meetings at secret locations.

BNP leader Nick Griffin in Barking

BNP leader Nick Griffin in Barking

He says there would be ‘handbags at paces’ – posturing and taunting – but he doesn’t remember any physical violence.

Often the police would see potential conflict and clear the area entirely, which No Platform were happy about as it meant the fascists couldn’t meet up.

He stresses that they wanted to avoid violence as it would be counterproductive in a community they were trying to defend, and to make it clear that the fascists were the troublemakers.

Simply by turning up at the secret meeting point, No Platform made it apparent to the fascists that they had informers in their midst. This sowed distrust and helped the groups to disintegrate.

Batty is emphatic that these tactics prevented the spread of far-right activity. He points out that when anti-fascists stopped being active in Barking and Dagenham there was a groundswell of far-right support and soon afterwards a BNP presence on the local council, leading to a concerted effort by the party to get their leader Nick Griffin elected there.

He adds that the majority of No Platform work was just stewarding events and involved no confrontation at all.

Batty worked with No Platform on about thirty events over the space of five years until he left London around 2005. The work would generally involve being aware of meetings or protests that might be attacked by fascists and making sure that they had proper stewarding to ensure things happened safely.

Soracchi joined the stewarding groups and befriended Batty. Soracchi’s witness statement to the Inquiry [UCPI0000035550] describes Batty as the ‘main organiser’ for both No Platform and the Socialist Party away team. Batty says the latter is absolutely untrue.

As for Batty’s position within No Platform, a Soracchi report [MPS-0010730] says that Gillman has stepped down and Batty is now its ‘leading activist’. Batty again highlights the fundamental misunderstanding in the phrase, and explains that there was no leadership at all, just people who were consistently available, organising together.

The Inquiry showed a spycop report, presumably Soracchi’s [MPS-0005753], about an anti-fascist counter-demonstration in central London on 14 April 2001:

‘Current No Platform tactics are to locate the meeting point for fascists and then to attack them before they get anywhere near the location of the march.’

Batty hasn’t seen the document before. With the Inquiry now rushing, it is no longer providing witnesses with all the relevant documents, and it has started hearing evidence even though the hearing bundles are incomplete, undermining the potential for getting considered answers.

Carlo Soracchi

Special Demonstration Squad officer Carlo Soracchi

Batty takes issue with the report’s incendiary terms, saying that they would go to disrupt the meet-up by being at the meeting point, but this is a long way from ‘attacking’, something he declares impossible anyway as No Platform would have only had a dozen people at most.

Some of No Platform’s information about fascist activity came from Searchlight, a group that specialised in gathering intelligence about the far-right.

This exchange was done on an informal basis, though Soracchi’s reports [MPS-0009903] characteristically misrepresent it as being much more formal, as if Batty and Smith had organised delegations to some kind of Searchlight briefing meetings, and furthermore [MPS-0010590] were ‘relishing’ the prospect of going to occupy fascist meeting points.

Batty is clear that the work was not something done with glee or as a fun leisure activity:

‘That would make you sound like you were waiting and willing for some sort of action and that we were addicted to fighting with the fascists. I have to tell you, I have never been particularly a great fan of fighting with anybody.’

EXAGGERATION OF VIOLENCE AND DANGER

After Soracchi’s deployment ended, he compiled a timeline of his activity [MPS-0071194]. In it, he described how No Platform would put stickers and posters up in an area where fascists were present, and would then target fascist election canvassers.

Once again, Batty recognises some of the descriptions but rejects Soracchi’s claims of deliberately seeking aggression and violence. This isn’t just a No Platform principle or about trying to avoid arrest and its impacts on employment and personal lives; he points out that it would be counter-productive too:

‘If we were to engage in assaulting candidates, that would then turn into a huge political issue that would, I am sure, garner sympathy for the very people we were campaigning against. So as a tactic, it’s just not right.’

Pressing the point, Counsel shows another Soracchi report that the Inquiry had failed to disclose to Batty in advance, dated 18 June 2001 [MPS-0006121]. It specifies a plan to target the BNP in Bethnal Green. Batty is aghast and dismayed:

‘I don’t know where to begin with this statement. I don’t know where he comes up with this sometimes. I mean, I spent literally hours with Carlo… talking through the political processes as to why violence of this ilk is just counter-productive…

The legitimate process, which I have said time and time again now, is occupying spaces for a defensive purpose to enable the community to feel safe and to enable us to feel safe about going about our business.’

He explains that attacking fascist candidates’ homes would provoke retaliation on their own homes. It would create more fear and violence in the community, the exact thing that they were seeking to dispel.

He points out that part of Soracchi’s backstory was that he’d been involved in the Italian Red Brigades, a group notorious for kidnappings, kneecappings and other serious crime. Batty and others had repeatedly explained to Soracchi that such things have no commonality with the British socialist movement.

Counsel asked about No Platform’s disruption of the BNP’s ‘Red White and Blue festival’ in 2001, a neo-Nazi event held on BNP leader Nick Griffin’s land in Wales [MPS-0006469].

No Platform did not intend to attack the event in any way (apart from anything else, they were outnumbered and they feared the violent neo-Nazi group Combat 18 would be providing security). The plan was simply to picket the entrances, to show that there was opposition to fascism that would be present wherever fascists gathered.

They didn’t manage it because they were turned back by police. Batty is scathing about this acceptance of fascist action with the police stymieing opposition. There were racist attacks and bombings in London, and the BNP spawned National Action, a group that was eventually proscribed under the Terrorism Act, yet the police targeted the antifascists.

The Inquiry took a break, during which Tom Fowler made this video of summary and analysis with Dan Gillman:

Early in his undercover deployment, Soracchi shared a flat in Homerton with another SDS officer, HN77 ‘Jackie Anderson’. Soracchi says that his comrades believed he and ‘Anderson’ were in a relationship, but Batty has no memory of her at all. Anderson was deployed 2000-2005, infiltrating anarchist groups such as the W.O.M.B.L.E.S. and Earth First! (EF!), and worked alongside NPOIU officer Mark Kennedy.

Both EF! and the W.O.M.B.L.E.S. have applied to be included as core participants in this Inquiry, but so far that has been refused. It seems that neither the police nor the Inquiry have been able to contact Anderson at all since the Inquiry began.

FIRST CONTACT

Soracchi’s deployment timeline [MPS-0071194] records that he first made contact with Batty and others on an asylum seekers’ rights march in central London in June 2000.

Special Demonstration Squad officer Peter Francis

Special Demonstration Squad officer Peter Francis revelaed how spycops were briefed on key activist targets before they were deployed

Batty’s first memory of Soracchi is a social visit to the second flat Soracchi had while undercover, on Narrow Way in Hackney.

Whistleblower spycop HN43 Peter Francis has described how, before being deployed, an officer would be briefed on particular people they wanted to get close to. These people would often be respected activists, targeted because their acceptance of the spycop would make others in the group more likely to be immediately welcoming and trusting.

The briefing would include details of the targeted person’s personal taste outside politics. By pretending to share their interests, likes, and dislikes, the spycop manipulated an instant bond of affinity into existence, encouraging friendship beyond being just another comrade.

Over the course of the Inquiry and in the books written by women deceived into relationships, we’ve seen a lot of evidence that this was standard spycop tradecraft.

Batty says he initially bonded with Soracchi over a shared passion for cycling, and Soracchi had a bike on a trainer treadmill in his flat.

Soracchi was a welcome addition to the social group and their stewarding of events:

‘Having a steward on a demonstration who is, you know, heavy and heavily set, is an asset because you don’t want the group to be attacked. So it’s another barrier between us and trouble.’

We moved on to a report by Soracchi from nearly 18 months later, 26 November 2001 [MPS-0007391], in which he describes a No Platform meeting and names ten people and their formal roles in the organisation.

He is not only, yet again, making it sound much more formal and rigid than it really was, he also lists himself as having been appointed as ‘volunteer to assist with communications’.

Batty is baffled by it, saying that the meeting happened but that the details are wholly false.

THE INDISPENSABLE DRIVER

Spycop Jim Boyling with his van. Vans were commonly used by spycops as a way to make themselves useful to a group to the point of indispensability

Spycop Jim Boyling with his van. Vans were commonly used by spycops as a way to make themselves useful to a group to the point of indispensability

Batty adds that Soracchi did have a specific responsibility for transport, as he was the only person there with a large, reliable vehicle.

This too is standard spycop tradecraft. Sometimes (as with Soracchi) it was an estate car, but more commonly it was a van. This was SDS practice as early as HN354 Vince Miller ‘Vince Harvey’ who was deployed in 1976, and it continued all the way through to EN12 Mark Kennedy ‘Mark Stone’ (2003-2009). HN2 Andy Coles was so useful with his that he was known among those he spied on as ‘Andy Van’.

Activists were generally not well off, so a dependable functioning vehicle was very useful. The driver would be the one of the first to be told about any plans for which travel was needed. They would pick people up and drop them off, thus learning all the home addresses.

More than one SDS officer deliberately dropped a target off last in order to spend time alone with them and get more information. HN10 Bob Lambert ‘Bob Robinson’ did that with ‘Jacqui’, and other officers are also known to have done this as a way of initiating intimate and sexual relationships.

Spycop Mark Kennedy

Spycop Mark Kennedy driving

Beyond all this, having a vehicle and being involved in logistics gave spycops a subject to talk about in detail that didn’t require any political understanding.

Batty says Soracchi was diligent about attending meetings, which were then reported on, but less motivated to attend events. As the group was so small, around a dozen pepople at most, Soracchi inevitably helped to influence and steer its direction.

Soracchi’s written witness statement to the Inquiry [UCPI0000035550] claims that the groups he spied on were criminal, including committing Actual Bodily Harm and Grievous Bodily Harm. Batty rejects this outright.

Counsel seemingly enjoys collecting rebuttals on the exact same topic and returns to a report of Soracchi’s [MPS-0010730] which claims Batty wants to make No Platform into a secret terrorist organisation:

‘Batty is aware that London No Platform needs a successful public action to attract numbers to the group, but is very much taken by the notion of a small committed cadre carrying out raids ‘in the living rooms’ of the far right.

He is aware that the state might well regard such acts as terrorism and react accordingly, but the recent rise in popularity and street presence of the extreme right wing might, he believes, leave anti-fascists with no other option.’

Batty patiently reiterates to Counsel that not only is it untrue but – as he’d also explained to Soracchi at the time – on a tactical level it would undermine the purpose of the group because such activity invites reaction in kind, including attacks on his and his comrades’ families, something he wanted to avoid at all costs.

‘It is just a nonsense. It looks like he’s justifying his placement within No Platform and within the left wing in general.

I really don’t recognise that statement and I take offence at it being written about me.’

THE COCK TAVERN INCIDENT

Counsel moved on to discuss a series of Soracchi’s reports. The first of these was about disorder at The Cock Tavern on 16 December 2000. It was a venue used by the left wing and the Irish community, and the National Front held a demonstration at it.

Batty describes a callout among left wing and antifascist groups who had a sizeable turnout outside the pub. Temporary steel barriers separated them from the fascists over the road, with police ensuring the two were kept apart.

Spycop Carlo Soracchi on holiday in Bologna at taxpayers' expense while undercover

Spycop Carlo Soracchi on holiday in Bologna at taxpayers’ expense while undercover

Batty is clear that this wasn’t some kind of difference of legitimate opinion, but rather one group that was seeking to destroy community cohesion, challenged by another that felt a civic duty to defend the community from hatred and division.

Batty and around ten others went round the back of the fascists, intending to create a noise and make the police feel it was too difficult to keep the fascists isolated and so make them disperse.

He’s clear that they weren’t going to attack in any way as there would be hardened fascist thugs present as well as police. The plan worked.

Soracchi has said he was there, but Batty is pretty sure that’s not true. A spycop report from Soracchi’s information [MPS-0004904] says Batty was ‘satisfied’ with the event because of the ‘attack’ on the fascists. He corrects the version again – ‘attack’ has a number of meanings and implies physical interaction, which wasn’t the plan and did not happen.

The police did arrest a number of antifascists, but none were convicted and one received compensation from the Met for wrongful arrest.

However, the personal details of those arrested were published in far-right journal The Flag. The only way this could have happened was that someone with fascist sympathies at the police station took the information and passed it on.

This is not the first time we have heard evidence of the police passing anti-fascist activists’ details to the far right. Activist Mark Metcalf told the Inquiry how he provided a bail address that was a school, which later appeared in a far-right newspaper even though the only people who could possibly have that address for him were the police.

MORE LIES

Counsel shows another Soracchi report that they failed to disclose to Batty in advance [MPS-0005529]. It’s about No Platform’s response to the BNP standing for election in Beckton, East London, in March 2001. Soracchi reports that No Platform were going to attend the vote count:

‘Activists are intending to single out the British National Party security team for attack.’

Batty is now weary of repeating the same point:

‘I have explained already pretty much ad nauseam that we are not against the electoral system, we are against the far right, and we wouldn’t attack anybody standing in an election.

There was instances of the far-right attacking canvassers in Barking and Dagenham and it was really not a good look.

It doesn’t help the legitimate candidates who are standing to have people who often are supporting them beating people up in front of the count. It just doesn’t make sense. It’s not what we would do.’

Batty does recall a separate occasion where antifascist leafleters bumped into BNP canvassers. They had a verbal exchange but nothing physical. And certainly, it was not a premeditated ‘attack’ of the kind that Soracchi repeatedly claimed they were planning.

Moving on to two documents that refer to No Platform in the Bradford Riots of July 2001 [MPS-0006264 and MPS-0029169], Batty explains that while there were people in Bradford using the name of No Platform, they weren’t a branch of a national organisation. There was no ownership of the name, it was used by anyone of roughly the same standpoint.

In March 2001, Batty and several friends went for a couple of sessions at a gym, Batty reviving an earlier interest in boxing. They only went a couple of times and it did not become a habit. Despite this, Soracchi reported on it through his ever-present lens of imagined political violence [MPS-0005536]:

‘The group has been in training for the past four weeks and believes it will be useful in any confrontation with the fascists.’

Soracchi reported [MPS-0527773] that Batty and Dan Gillman had invited him to accompany them to a Socialist Party event in Leuven, Belgium in July 2001, and then go on to Genoa in Italy to join large protests against the G8 summit. Soracchi, unusually, specifically says the group did not intend to get involved in any confrontation in Genoa.

But Batty says that he wouldn’t have been able to go for any reason. It was hard enough to get time off work for the Leuven trip, an extra week would not have been possible for him even if he’d wanted it.

DEFENCE IS NO OFFENCE

The Inquiry showed Soracchi’s quarterly review for the end of 2001 [MPS-0007737] which describes the target group:

‘No Platform was formed in late 2000 and is in effect a coming together of militant anti-fascist street fighters whose common link is the willingness to carry out violent assault on individuals or groups belonging to the extreme right wing.

Although activists are drawn from differing strands of the far left and anarchist tradition, they are united in the belief that violent confrontation is a key strategic element in beating fascism.

To that end, No Platform has on a number of occasions in the past year put that belief into violent action against members of the National Front and also police officers acting to prevent disorder.’

Batty totally rejects this description, both of No Platform and of himself personally:

‘I have already said it previous times. This is always a defensive action. The way it is being worded “street fighters”, “militant”, “attacking”, “far left”. I never considered myself far left. I never considered myself a street fighter. I never considered I was particularly militant…

I don’t understand where this sort of characterisation comes from. Unless you are trying to legitimise an ongoing situation of undercover policing when you can’t actually report on anything of substance.’

He adds that none of them were ever arrested for anything like this, which would be very odd if they really were a group who were running about maiming police officers.

It’s notable that Soracchi, like many spycops before him who made stuff up, says his group has been involved in serious crime yet is unable to provide specific examples.

Jumping ahead to 27 October 2003, Soracchi reported on No Platform’s supposed plans for the protests against the visit of US President George W. Bush [MPS-0029555]:

‘They see the visit as the first opportunity in a very long time for a situation where mass public disorder can develop.

Most of the group are not strangers to protests of this kind and have experience of being able to agitate and aggravate a developing situation.

Joe Batty and Frank Smith are particularly good in these situations.’

No Platform weren’t relevant to Bush’s visit. On the day, Batty and others stewarded the Socialist Party section of the protest. In stark contrast to Soracchi’s fanciful imaginings, it all went off peacefully.

Batty adds that the only times he’s seen real violence on a protest were the Poll Tax protest of March 1990, and the anti-BNP march in Welling in October 1993. He adds that both of these demonstrations were turned into riots by police action.

Finally on this topic, we were shown a document authorising the continuation of Soracchi’s deployment [MPS-0526932]. As one might expect from something that decides whether he could continue in the role he enjoyed, Soracchi employed some extra-special made up exaggeration, referring to ‘leading Antifa activist Joe Batty’.

DECEIVING WOMEN INTO RELATIONSHIPS

Counsel then moved on to what Batty knew of Soracchi deceiving women into relationships.

Spycop HN104 Carlo Soracchi and Donna McLean

Spycop Carlo Soracchi and Donna McLean

In 2001, Soracchi initiated a relationship with ‘Lindsey’. Batty knew Lindsey beforehand, and thought of her as personable and intelligent. She was a Socialist Party member but was not involved in No Platform.

He remembers the relationship going on for some time, and that it was certainly known to the wider social group.

He became concerned at Soracchi’s poor treatment of Lindsey towards the end of the relationship. He spoke to Soracchi about it repeatedly and at length at the time – of course, being wholly unaware of the truth. Lindsey is due to give evidence to the Inquiry on 25 February 2026.

In September 2002, Soracchi was stewarding an anti-war march where he met Donna McLean. As with Lindsey, Batty knew McLean, though not especially well. She was a good friend of his comrade Dan Gillman, and they all had jobs in related work. Soracchi instigated a whirlwind romance and, just three months later, at a New Year’s Eve party at McLean’s, they got engaged. In reality, Soracchi was already married.

In 2023, McLean published a book about her experience, Small Town Girl: Love, Lies and the Undercover Police. She is due to give evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry on 24 February 2026.

INCITEMENT TO ARSON

At the same New Year’s party, Soracchi told Batty and several others that a nearby charity shop was actually a front for Roberto Fiore, a notorious Italian fascist widely believed to be involved in the 1980 bombing of Bologna railway station that killed 85 people.

Soracchi suggested firebombing the shop. Several of them – though not Soracchi himself, as far as Batty remembers – took a drunken walk to the location. Batty banged on the window and they lost interest and went back to the party.

A few days later Soracchi gave Batty a lift and drove past the shop, pointing it out.

‘I can remember telling him that there is a philosophical reason why we are not involved in terrorism. It is really simple. It alienates everybody and wins no arguments.

So I am not sure if that part of his legend was he wanted to try and persuade us in a different direction, but it really disappointed me that he never actually picked up on that.’

Nothing further happened with the shop.

The Inquiry took a lunch break, during which Tom Fowler made a summary and analysis video with antifascist and blacklisted trade unionist Dave Smith:

In November 2002, Soracchi and Batty were among a group of five who planned a trip to Florence for the European Social Forum, a conference of anti-capitalist groups. Soracchi reported on it a few weeks beforehand [MPS-0010591], and the timeline created at the end of Soracchi’s deployment [MPS-0071194] describes it in more detail.

Batty remembers a huge march in Florence and Soracchi pointing out that they were passing the home of Dario Fo, Nobel Prize winning playwright, author of Can’t Pay? Won’t Pay! and Accidental Death of an Anarchist. Fo was waving to the crowd, and even though he was exactly the kind of person the SDS would view as dangerously subversive and warranting spying on, Soracchi’s write-up for internal police use described the venerable writer as a genius.

Soracchi’s reporting says he stayed in a squat with an anarchist he knew, and reported on ‘an emerging connection between UK and Italian extremists’. Batty doesn’t remember anything that fits this description.

THINGS THAT NEVER HAPPENED

Soracchi filed a report [MPS-0062785] claiming that Socialist Party activists were closely involved in the campaign for justice for Jean Charles de Menezes. Batty does not remember this being the case at all.

Jean Charles de Menezes

Jean Charles de Menezes, shot dead by police on 22 July 2005

Jean Charles de Menezes was a Brazilian electrician who was shot dead by police at Stockwell tube station in July 2005 after being mistaken for a possible Islamist suicide bomber.

Rather than try to establish and admit the truth, police sought to take the minimum of blame for the killing, and gave off-the-record briefings to journalists.

The public were told that de Menezes was wearing a bulky jacket on a hot day, that his jacket had wires sticking out, that he vaulted the barrier at the tube station, that he ran down the escalator, and ignored police shouts to stop; that he was in the country illegally and that he was a sex offender. Not one of these things was true.

De Menezes was living with his cousin at the time, Patricia da Silva Armani, and she has campaigned for truth and justice ever since. She is due to give evidence to the Inquiry on 12 March 2026.

This became another justice campaign that the police regarded as hostile and sent spycops to spy on. In claiming that his target group was actively included in the campaign, Soracchi knew he was delivering what his managers wanted to hear.

In his witness statement [UCPI0000035550], Soracchi also claims to have been arrested (but not charged) after violence between No Platform and the BNP at Gants Hill. Batty has no memory of the event or arrest, nor can he remember Soracchi ever being involved in any political violence or other criminal activity.

There was one incident of violence but it wasn’t political. Batty and a friend had been out drinking with Soracchi. It was late in the evening and, as Batty phrased it, ‘we were towards the end of our sobriety’ when they were attacked in the street for no apparent reason. There was an altercation but no arrests were made and nothing came of it after.

Batty agrees with Soracchi’s description [MPS-0010097], apart from taking issue with the officer’s drastic underestimate of the level of drinking.

CLOSE FRIENDSHIP

Batty describes how he was close friends with Soracchi for more than four years from late 2000, spending a lot of recreational time together:

‘Steam baths, dinners, meals, going out for drinks. Drinking absinthe. You get the scene. We were going out socialising properly.’

Soracchi arranged for Batty and his partner to visit Bologna where they were met by someone they believed to be a relative of Soracchi’s, though they now realise it was probably a police officer.

Batty describes Soracchi as the instigator of many of the social activities, and the glue that held the friendship group together. Soracchi also helped Batty move to Manchester, and while doing so he stayed at Batty’s parents’ house:

‘My mum, being my mum, really made him welcome. She loved the fact he was Italian, was always going on about food and all this sort of stuff, so she enjoyed his company.’

While Batty was away in Manchester for about four months, he arranged for Soracchi to be able to stay in his London flat. We’re shown the documents making the arrangements with the City of London Corporation, including the receipt of a deposit paid by ‘Carlo Neri’ [MPS-0527068].

On 26 August 2004, while paying the rent on Batty’s London flat, Soracchi filed an entire report on Batty’s marriage titled ‘Joe Batty experiencing marital problems’ [MPS-0036399]. In it, Soracchi says that Batty’s partner, ‘Fawzia’, has not enjoyed living in Manchester and wants to leave:

‘Batty is very pessimistic about the current situation. He feels that his partner has not given the move a chance and is very upset about her behaviour.

“Fawzia” has always been the more dominant part of the relationship, but if Batty is pushed too far he will become extremely intractable, the future does not look rosy for the relationship, even if both were to return to London.’

Batty confirms that there was some discussion about staying in Manchester permanently, but it was nothing like the loggerheads described (and indeed he and Fawzia are still together). He wasn’t in touch with Soracchi at the time, so has no idea where the information would have come from.

He is affronted at Soracchi’s level of invasiveness:

‘He really had no right. And the Met had no right to try and weave a narrative of what is going on in people’s homes with what they are doing in their political life.

I am offended by this, and I am also offended by the fact that I had never seen that. I have not had my police record, I never had anything. So I didn’t know until this was made available very recently that this had been said.

And I think it’s a violation. That’s what it is. I feel violated, and I feel quite viscerally about that.’

INVENTING ABUSE FOR SYMPATHY

Like many spycops, Soracchi had invented a backstory featuring distressing details of abuse in his family.

Spycop Carlo Soracchi

Spycop Carlo Soracchi

Doing this serves several purposes. It creates a sense of trust for the person the spycop was telling, and that would likely be reciprocated.

Trusting the officer on confidential matters of activism, but also with intimate personal matters, made the target activist easier to influence and manipulate.

These stories of abuse or childhood hardship also gave the spycop good reason for not introducing people to their family, and for sometimes acting in inexplicable ways or ‘needing time away alone’ (when they are visiting their real family).

This pretence of a troubled mind also leads to people being ready to accept the standard story at the end of a spycop’s deployment, where they feign a mental breakdown and say they’re permanently moving somewhere far away.

Soracchi told Batty and others that after his mother had died, his sister had told him that their father had been sexually abusing her. Soracchi showed Batty a photo of his supposed perpetrator father.

The friendship group were all concerned for Soracchi, and they collected money to help him with incidental costs of the aftermath of his mother’s supposed death:

‘Our friendship was such that towards the end of his time with No Platform I felt I could counsel him when he confided in me about personal issues.

I believed at the time that his sister had been a victim of sexual abuse and that this had surfaced around the period when his mother was either dying or had just passed away.

I remember spending a lot of time talking to him about these issues, offering empathy and support…

A lot of the work that I did with rough sleepers was about trauma, and so I wanted to be there for somebody who has obviously gone through trauma – his mum passing away, which as you know is no easy thing for anybody – and then to find out this revelation at that pretty painful time was something that I thought he wanted to talk about.

So we talked about it. We spent a lot of time talking about it.’

We’re shown a document from 2 January 2006, late in Soracchi’s deployment, where he methodically lists the activists he spies on, the kind of contact he has with them, and how frequent it is [MPS-0704577].

Batty is second on the list, and seems primarily perplexed by the reason for the spying to be happening at all when his activism was open and public.

PERSONAL INTRUSION

On at least ten occasions, Soracchi reported personal details about Batty, including personal and work contact details and domestic living arrangements. He also reported in April 2004 [MPS-0034066] that Batty had lost his job and wages owed when his employer went into liquidation. Batty describes confiding in the man he thought was a trusted friend:

‘What I was expecting had all gone. I had a domestic situation with my mum being unwell. There was a lot of things that happened at the same time. Of course it was deeply personal.

The liquidation by the way was a fraud, and I would rather the police had investigated the fraud than me, but there you go.’

When the Independent Police Complaints Commission was established, Batty and a friend applied for jobs there. Soracchi reported on this in alarmed terms on 29 March 2004 [MPS-0032327]:

‘It is viewed as an opportunity as to really cause damage to the Met Police.’

It’s the same police conflation of accountability with hostility that led them to infiltrate and undermine various justice campaigns.

Batty never even received a reply to his application and laments a missed opportunity.

‘I wanted to use my experience – and I know another person wanted to use their experience – in working with vulnerable adults to ensure that they were also getting justice or were heard. So by inferring that we were doing it for nefarious reasons, it undermines us doing it.’

BETRAYAL AND ONGOING MISTRUST

In concluding, Batty reflects on how his working life with homeless people necessitated a lot of positive working with police. But since learning about the spycops and how he was personally spied on, his feeling towards working with the police have soured:

‘I brought that forward, what had happened, and the experience of what had happened, to my last job, which I worked for eight years with the community of North Kensington that was affected by the Grenfell fire.

And throughout the period that I was involved in that, I really, really, really, struggled to not say to people in their campaign groups, “you really ought to be careful, because the police will be sitting in your meetings, recording the things you do and invading your personal life”.

And that for me was really horrible, and I told them, just as I will say now, that I hope you get justice from your inquiry system, just like I hope that this will provide justice for people.

Because if not, why do people at the bottom end of the scale believe there is ever going to be any justice? And that, for me, it really hurt me. It hurts me now.’

At the end of the hearing, the Inquiry’s Chair, Sir John Mitting, spoke to Batty. His manner was markedly different from the way in which he’s treated other left-wing witnesses. He seemed to regard Batty as something akin to an equal. Perhaps Batty’s mention of being a Freeman of the City of London had some effect.

Mitting asked Batty about his personal history. Batty detailed a long and impressive career working with vulnerable people, particularly rough sleepers. It involved working with numerous agencies, and giving direct help and advice as well as designing management strategies to improve the lives of those affected.

He says this leads him to the conclusion that his employment chances at the Independent Police Complaints Commission were deliberately stymied:

‘I just outlined my CV, as it were, and that makes me a really good candidate for a number of those areas because I understand the milieu of working with people who are vulnerable when they interface with the police or drugs services or the other.

So the fact that I never got a response to being able to be an interface between the community and people who have complaints about the police does show me that somebody definitely sat on it.’

Mitting expresses thanks to Batty, saying that the testimony was especially welcome as the Inquiry has had a huge amount of testimony about the personal impacts on women who were deceived into relationships by spycops, but far less about the people who were close platonic friends. With that, the hearing finished.

Immediately afterwards, Tom Fowler made this summary and reaction video with Zoe Young from Campaign Opposing Police Surveillance:

Carlo soracchi is due to giveevidence to the Inqruity on 2-5 March 2026.

Official: Marco Jacobs & Carlo Neri were Spycops

UCPI Carlo Neri announcement

Is this the end of the Metropolitan Police stonewalling about the identity of spycops? Yesterday we got official confirmation of the identity of a fifth spycops officer, Carlo Neri, only days after we got the fourth, Marco Jacobs.

The announcements came from the Pitchford Inquiry into undercover policing, rather than the Met themselves, but it amounts to the same thing.

Although seventeen officers have been identified as belonging to the undercover political policing units, the Met have been at pains to ‘neither confirm nor deny’ (NCND) it.

This charade has continued long after several have been publicly outed with extensive details, including their real names, and been interviewed by the media. The Met even went as far as saying they ‘neither confirm nor deny’ that whistleblower officer Peter Francis was ever an officer.

The First Admitted Spycops

With Mark Kennedy, the Met had admitted he was an officer before the slew of exposures, so they hadn’t invented their supposed long-standing policy of NCND yet. They have, on occasion, done a merry dance to avoid naming him in court but it was too late to actively try any NCND nonsense.

Two years ago, after three years of obstructions, the courts finally forced the Met to admit that Bob Lambert and Jim Boyling had been in the Special Demonstration Squad.

Marco Jacobs & Carlo Neri

Carlo Neri

Carlo Neri

We’ve all known Marco Jacobs was a police officer since he was publicly exposed by those he targeted in South Wales five years ago.

In March 2015 the police struck a bizarre bargain, saying that whilst they wouldn’t openly admit Marco Jacobs was an officer, they wouldn’t contest anyone saying he was and they’d pay any damages due from his criminal abuse of people he spied on.

Carlo Neri infiltrated anti-racist and socialist groups in London in the early 2000s. He was exposed at the start of 2016. Andrea, who he deceived into a relationship, spoke to Newsnight about what she called the ‘psychological torture’ of being targeted.

Neither Neri nor Jacobs’ real names have been published. Yet other officers, such as John Dines and Mark Jenner, have been even more documented – and with their real names – but still the Met pretend they can’t confirm them. Earlier this year Dines uttered an apology to Helen Steel, who he had deceived into a relationship. What else was that but an admission of his role? How much longer can they keep stonewalling about these spycops?

The Met claim that the officers would be endangered. In the six years of exposure, including some of them being public and locatable, the worst harassment any has suffered is some polite leafleting outside a building Bob Lambert works in, which took place every few weeks on days when he wasn’t there.

Exposure is not a serious threat to their safety. It does not override the public’s right to know, nor the victims’ need for acknowledgement and closure.

The Met have spent sacks of public money sending in lawyers to obstruct the fight for justice. This week’s casual crumbling of NCND is proof it was never needed in the first place, that it was just a ruse which cruelly compounded the damage done to people abused by spycops.

As Pitchford Watcher noted

‘The tactic of NCND has been wielded by the police in both court cases as a way of dragging out matters for five years, adding to the abuse and suffering already experienced by those targeted for relationships…

‘campaigners have been right in consistently pointing out that NCND is not a long standing policy that can never been breached, as the police claim, but something adopted when it suits them, namely when it comes to challenges over their accountability.’

Surely the police have to concede the truth about the rest of the seventeen. Everybody knows they were police officers. Their stories and faces have been online for years. Pretending it’s somehow secret is the act of an institution too petulant or paranoid to be taken seriously.

Release the Names

But it is not enough to merely tell us what we already know. We still don’t have any real details of how and why those people were sent into lives and campaigns.

Furthermore, the seventeen known officers are only a small fraction of the true total. Most of those abused by spycops cannot join the fight for justice because they have no clear idea what was done to them. Unless the cover names of the spycops are released people cannot realise what happened, come forward and tell their story. It also means that the officers’ evidence can’t be examined. If the names remain hidden in the Met and Pitchford’s files, we cannot get the whole truth.

The release of the cover names of officers and the groups they spied upon is the great test of the Pitchford inquiry. Truth is not just deserved by those who, through luck and persistence, have identified their state-sponsored abusers. It must be delivered to everyone subjected to this treatment, be they an individual, a campaign or an institution.

Beyond that, truth and justice are the right of the public who should know what has been done in their name, at their expense, to their society.

How Many Spycops Have There Been?

Poster of 14 exposed spycops among 140 silhouettes

Political spying is not new. The Metropolitan Police founded the first Special Branch in 1883. Initially focusing on Irish republicanism in London, it rapidly expanded its remit to gather intelligence on a range of people deemed subversive. Other constabularies followed suit.

But in 1968, the Met did something different. The government, having been surprised at the vehemence of a London demonstration against the Vietnam War, decided it had to know more about political activism. The Met were given direct government funding to form a political policing unit, the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS).

About twelve officers at a time would change their identities, grow their hair and live among those they spied on for years at a time. They would ‘become’ activists, each infiltrating a particular group on the far left, far right or in other areas of dissent such as the peace movement and animal rights. They were authorised to be involved in minor crime.

The police and the secret state have always used informers, and even private investigators, as part of their surveillance work. However, the SDS was unique in being a police unit set up to focus on political groups with extended periods of deployment. The model was rolled out nationally in 1999 with the creation of the SDS off-shoot, the National Public Order Intelligence Unit (NPOIU).

The Campaign Opposing Police Surveillance is primarily concerned with these dedicated political secret police – the long-term, deep-cover officers of the SDS, the NPOIU, and the successor units that subsumed them and their roles.

It’s generally accepted that there have been around 150 of these undercover officers since the SDS was formed in 1968. This figure comes from work by the Undercover Research Group and activists, and extrapolation from details in official reports.

Operation Herne, the Met’s self-investigation into the spycops scandal, said in July 2013

‘To date Operation Herne has verified one hundred and six (106) covert names that were used by members of the SDS.’

This is just the SDS. Last year, Mark Ellison’s report into spycops causing miscarriages of justice asked about the NPOIU, which ran from 1999-2011.

‘Operation Herne has identified fewer than 20 NPOIU officers deployed over that period’

However,

‘Operation Herne’s work to investigate the nature and extent of the undercover work of the NPOIU was only able to begin in November 2014 and has barely been able to ‘scrape the surface’ so far’.

There may well be more spycops from either or both units.

Other, similarly hazy, approaches arrive at a similar number. The SDS ran for 40 years and is understood to have had around 12 officers deployed at any given time, usually for periods of four years. This would make a total of 96 undercover officers. However, it’s known that some officers were active for a fraction of the usual time, so the real figure will be somewhat higher.

Assuming the same scale for the NPOIU gives a total of 36 officers. That is a fuzzy guess though – the NPOIU was a new, national unit and may have deployed more officers.

[UPDATE July 2019: There are now known to have been at least 139 undercover officers – see detail at the end of this article]

The Operation Herne report from 2013 said that, of the 106 identified SDS officers, 42 stole the identity of a dead child, 45 used fictitious identities, and 19 are still unknown. The practice of stealing identities was mandatory in the unit for about 20 years until the mid-1990s. The NPOIU, starting in 1999, is only known to have stolen a dead child’s identity for one officer, Rod Richardson.

WHAT HAPPENED NEXT?

There are certainly some more spycops from the successor units.

The Met merged its Special Branch (including subsidiaries like the SDS) with its Anti-Terrorist Branch in October 2006 to form Counter Terrorism Command. They reviewed and shut down the SDS in 2008.

Although the NPOIU used a number of Met Special Branch officers, from 2006 it was overseen by the Association of Chief Police Officers as part of their National Domestic Extremism Unit (NDEU). In 2012, the NDEU was also absorbed into the Met’s Counter Terrorism Command. At the same time, the NDEU changed its name and stopped having any responsibility for undercover officers.

Last November the Met’s Assistant Commissioner Martin Hewitt issued an abject apology to eight women deceived into relationships with undercover officers. Two months later Carlo Neri, another officer who had similar relationships, was exposed. Assistant Commissioner Hewitt assured the BBC that the Met

‘no longer carries out ‘long-term infiltration deployments’ in these kinds of groups but would accept responsibility for past failings’

That appears to contradict a 2013 report by HM Inspectorate of Constabulary. It plainly says today’s spycops are deployed by the Met’s Counter Terrorism Command and similar regional units.

‘The NDEU restructured in January 2012, and now operates under the umbrella of the MPS Counter Terrorism Command (which is known as SO15). NDEU has also recently been renamed, and is now called the National Domestic Extremism and Disorder Intelligence Unit (NDEDIU)…

‘The NDEU’s remit changed at the same time as its restructure and no longer carries out any undercover operations. All deployments of undercover officers which target the activity of domestic extremists are coordinated either by the SO15 Special Project Team (SPT), or by one of the regional SPTs…

‘The SPTs are in the North West, North East and West Midlands Counter Terrorism Units, and the Counter Terrorism Command in London.’

HOW MANY SPYCOPS ARE KNOWN?

There are 17 [UPDATE September 2019: now 76] spycops who have been named. There are strong suspicions about several more. Fifteen of the seventeen have been exposed by their victims. One has been exposed by journalists, one by the officer himself – Peter Francis, the only whistleblower. None have come from the police.

Journalists – notably Rob Evans and Paul Lewis at the Guardian – have substantially fleshed out the activists’ research. The Met recently claimed to be having trouble even sorting their records into order.  If that is true then perhaps the best bet would be to allow these tenacious activists and journalists, who have done such sterling work despite police obstructions, to come and have a go.

Although the 17 spycops’ identities are properly established, with most of them having extensive details and numerous photos in the public domain, the Met are reluctant to give any further information.

Until the cover names are known, the majority of people targeted don’t even know it happened. Waiting for victims to investigate and gather evidence is a denial of justice. This is why most people granted ‘core participant’ status at the forthcoming public inquiry – mostly activists confirmed as significantly affected – have called for the release of all cover names and the names of the groups who were spied upon.

The Met say they must ‘neither confirm nor deny’ that anybody was ever an undercover officer (for a demolition of their ‘policy’ of Neither Confirm Nor Deny, you cannot do better than Helen Steel’s superb speech to the Pitchford Inquiry into undercover policing). On many occasions they have even refused to refer to Mark Kennedy by name, as if it’s still a secret. This came long after he hired Max Clifford to sell his story for a tabloid front page splash, which is about as unsecret as it’s possible to get.

After three years of legal wrangling, in August 2014 courts forced the Met to admit that Jim Boyling and Bob Lambert were spycops (again, long after both officers had personally talked to the media).

In March 2014 the Met’s Operation Herne produced an 84 page report concerning SDS whistleblower Peter Francis’ revelations about spying on the family of Stephen Lawrence. It said it

‘will not confirm or deny if Peter Francis was an undercover police officer’

As if they might devote all that time and effort to the ramblings of a fantasist.

It’s an insult to those who have been abused. It’s also a double injustice familiar to other victims of state wrongdoing – there’s what the state does, then how it pours resources to smear, lie and obstruct justice for its victims.

This doesn’t bode well for the forthcoming public inquiry.

Today, Kennedy, Lambert and Boyling are still the only three spycops the Met will officially admit to. Here is the list of 17.

WHO ARE THE SPYCOPS?

  1. Peter Francis AKA ‘Peter Daley’ or ‘Pete Black’, 1993-97.
    SDS. Self-disclosed. Initial exposure March 2010, real name given June 2013
  2. Jim Boyling AKA ‘Jim Sutton’, 1995-2000.
    SDS. Exposed by activists, January 2011
  3. ‘Marco Jacobs’, 2004-09.
    NPOIU Exposed by activists, January 2011
  4. Mark Jenner AKA ‘Mark Cassidy’, 1995-2000
    SDS. Exposed by activists, January 2011. Real name given March 2013
  5. Bob Lambert AKA ‘Bob Robinson’, 1984-89.
    SDS. Exposed by activists, October 2011
  6. ‘Lynn Watson’, 2002-08
    NPOIU Exposed by activists, January 2011
  7. ‘Simon Wellings’, 2001-07.
  8. SDS. Exposed by activists 2005, publicised March 2011
  9. ‘Rod Richardson’, 1999-2003.
    NPOIU. Exposed by activists, February 2013
  10. John Dines AKA ‘John Barker’, 1987-91.
    SDS. Exposed by activists, February 2013
  11. ‘Matt Rayner‘, 1991-96.
    SDS. Exposed by activists, 2013
  12. Mike Chitty AKA ‘Mike Blake’, 1983-87.
    SDS. Exposed by journalists, June 2013
  13. ‘Jason Bishop’, 1998-2006.
    SDS. Exposed by activists, July 2013
  14. ‘Carlo Soracchi’ AKA ‘Carlo Neri’, 2000-06.
    SDS. Exposed by Undercover Research Group in conjunction with activists, January 2016
  15. ‘RC’ (full alias withheld), 2002-06.
    NPOIU? Exposed by Undercover Research Group in conjunction with activists, February 2016
  16. ‘Gary R’ (full alias withheld), 2006-10.
    NPOIU? Exposed by Undercover Research Group in conjunction with activists, July 2016
  17. ‘Abigail L’ (full alias withheld), 2006-08.
    NPOIU? Exposed by Undercover Research Group in conjunction with activists, July 2016

UPDATE March 2017:

18. Roger Pearce AKA ‘Roger Thorley’, 1979-84.
SDS. Self-disclosed under real name 2013, full identity confirmed by UndercoverPolicing Inquiry, March 2017

UPDATE May 2017:

19. Andy Coles AKA ‘Andy Davey’, 1991-95.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Research Group in conjunction with activists, May 2017

UPDATE July 2017:

20. ‘Mike Ferguson’
SDS. Exposed in BBC True Spies documentary, 2002 [transcript, video]

UPDATE August 2017:

21. ‘John Graham’, 1968-69.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, August 2017

22. ‘Rick Gibson’, 1974-76.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, August 2017

23. ‘Doug Edwards’, 1968-71.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, August 2017

UPDATE October 2017:

24. ‘William Paul ‘Bill’ Lewis’, 1968-69.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, October 2017

UPDATE February 2018:

25. ‘John Clinton’, 1971-74.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, February 2018

26. ‘Alex Sloan’, 1971-73.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, February 2018

27. ‘Christine Green’, 1994-99.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Research Group in conjunction with activists, February 2018

28. ‘Bob Stubbs’, 1971-76.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, February 2018

29. ‘Dick Epps’, 1969-72.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, February 2018

UPDATE March 2018:

30. ‘Don de Freitas’, 1968.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, March 2018

31. ‘Margaret White’, 1968.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, March 2018

32. ‘Michael Scott’, 1971-76.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, March 2018

UPDATE April 2018:

33. ‘Peter Fredericks’, 1971.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, April 2018

34. ‘Stewart Goodman’, 1970-71.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, April 2018

35. ‘David Robertson’, 1970-73.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, April 2018

36. ‘Bill Biggs’, 1977-82.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, April 2018

37. ‘Alan ‘Nick’ Nicholson’, 1990-91.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, April 2018

38. ‘Dave Hagan’, 1996-2001.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, April 2018

39. ‘Jacqueline Anderson’, 2000-05.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, April 2018

40. ‘Ross ‘RossCo’ MacInnes’, 2007.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, April 2018

UPDATE May 2018:

41. ‘Barry Morris’, 1968.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, May 2018

42. ‘Gary Roberts’, 1974-78.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, May 2018

43. ‘Tony Williams’, 1978-82.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, May 2018

44. ‘Malcolm Shearing’, 1981-85.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, May 2018

45. ‘Dave Evans’, 1998-2005.
SDS. Exposed by activists, February 2014

46. ‘Mike Hartley’, 1982-85.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, May 2018

UPDATE JUNE 2018:

48. ‘Darren Prowse’ (apparently never deployed), 2007.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

49. ‘Phil Cooper’, 1979/80-83.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

50. ‘Peter Collins’, 1973-77.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

51. ‘Alan Bond’, 1981-86.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

52. ‘Sean Lynch’, 1968-74.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

53. ‘John Kerry’, 1980-84.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

54. ‘Jeff Slater’, 1974-45.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

55. ‘Vince Miller’, 1976-79.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

56. ‘Colin Clark’, 1977-82.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

57. ‘Timothy Spence’, 1983-87.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

58. ‘Mark Kerry’, 1988-92.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

59. ‘Barry Tompkins’, 1979-83.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

60. ‘Alan Nixon’, 1969-72.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, June 2018

UPDATE JULY 2018:

61. ‘Kathryn Lesley (‘Lee’) Bonser’ 1983-87.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, July 2018

62. ‘Michael James’ 1978-83.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, July 2018

62. ‘Graham Coates’ 1976-79.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, July 2018

63. ‘Kevin Douglas’ 1987-91.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, July 2018

64. ‘Roger Harris’ 1974-77.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, July 2018

65. ‘Desmond Loader’ / ‘Barry Loader’ 1977-78.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, July 2018

UPDATE AUGUST 2018:

66. ‘Nicholas Green’ 1982-86.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, August 2018

UPDATE SEPTEMBER 2018:

66. ‘Ian Cameron’ 1971-72.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, September 2018

67. ‘James Straven’ / ‘Kevin Crossland’ 1997-2002.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, September 2018

UPDATE DECEMBER 2018:

68. ‘Rob Harrison’ 2004-07
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, December 2018

69. ‘David Hughes’ 1971-76
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, December 2018

UPDATE JANUARY 2019:

70. ‘Edward David Jones’ aka ‘Edge’, ‘Dave’ & ‘Bob the Builder’ 2005-07.
SDS & NPOIU. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, January 2019

UPDATE FEBRUARY 2019:

71. ‘Neil Richardson’ 1989-93
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, February 2019

UPDATE MARCH 2019:

72. ‘Stefan Wesolowski’ 1985-88.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, March 2019

UPDATE MAY 2019:

73. ‘Geoff Wallace’ 1975-78.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, May 2019

74. ‘Paul Gray’ 1977-82.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, May 2019

UPDATE JULY 2019:

75. ‘Anthony “Bobby” Lewis’ 1991-95.
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, July 2019

UPDATE SEPTEMBER 2019:

76. ‘Jim Pickford’ 1974-76
SDS. Exposed by Undercover Policing Inquiry, September 2019



UPDATE July 2017: How many spycops have there been?

In February 2017 the National Police Chiefs Council told the Inquiry

The current position is that there are believed to have been 118 undercover officers engaged in the SDS, and a further up to 83 management and ‘backroom’ staff.

In April 2017 the Inquiry said

The Inquiry has written to 54 former members of the National Public Order Intelligence Unit who are believed to have been either undercover police officers or cover officers (26 undercover officers and 28 cover officers).

This makes a total of at least 144 undercover officers in the two units (it should be noted that the Inquiry may not have written to all NPOIU officers).

UPDATE JULY 2019:

The Undercover Policing Inquiry’s Eighth Update Note said there were 117 undercover officers in the SDS, and a further 22 in the NPOIU, making a total of 139.